929 resultados para Colby social life
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Pós-graduação em Planejamento e Análise de Políticas Públicas - FCHS
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Pós-graduação em Direito - FCHS
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The play and playfulness as well as school subjects are ways that the teacher has in the classroom to mediate the relationship between knowledge and the students, providing an easier and more enjoyable learning. This paper aims to analyze how teachers in the early years of primary education, the areas of Physical Education, Education, Art and English, assesses the importance of playfulness at school, define concepts such as the playful, playing, their importance for the learning and social life. Field research through interviews with nine teachers was conducted, six Educationalists teachers, an art professor, an English and physical education teacher. The results indicated that most of these teachers mediates learning through playfulness that children have better learning when the pedagogical work occurs through play, and feel more motivated to attend school. Participants have the idea that playfulness is the play and the play and say the school should value the playful, and need support from the school staff and the community. In conclusion, the playful should be part of everyday school life and more than a teaching strategy, should be valued in the integral formation of the individual
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Pós-graduação em Letras - FCLAS
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The F. G. Caldwell Diary consists of a travel account of a trip taken through Switzerland and Germany, describing the terrain, historical sites visited, and the social life customs of the people and offers a glimpse of life in 1850s Switzerland and Germany trough the eyes of an American traveler. The collection includes a transcription of the diary.
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The David Bancroft Johnson Travel Journals Collection consists of a diary of a trip taken by David Bancroft Johnson, Founder and First President of Winthrop, to Belgium, Holland, Germany, Switzerland, France, England, and Scotland during October- December 1908. The journals contains descriptions of areas visited, social life and customs. Also included is a description of his trip to Denver, Colorado in July 1909 in which he describes the area and its people.
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The agricultural lands of this country are its greatest natural resource. History points out that nations with vast areas of good farm land are most likely to prosper and survive over long periods of time. Local communities, too, prosper and flourish in proportion to the productiveness of the surrounding land. Schools, social life, and business develop best in areas where the land is productive and properly managed and conserved. Nebraska, in common with other states, has suffered by the depletion of soil fertility. The reduction in acres in legumes and grasses, and the deplation of the organic matter in the surface soils, has likewise had its effect on the run-off of precipitation, soil blowing, and damage from drouth. In order to know what elements of fertility may become deficient and how soil fertility may be restored and maintained, we should understand the composition, character, and management of soils. In the following pages, some fundamentals of soil feritlity are given, followed later by a discussion of practical soil-management practices.
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The play and playfulness as well as school subjects are ways that the teacher has in the classroom to mediate the relationship between knowledge and the students, providing an easier and more enjoyable learning. This paper aims to analyze how teachers in the early years of primary education, the areas of Physical Education, Education, Art and English, assesses the importance of playfulness at school, define concepts such as the playful, playing, their importance for the learning and social life. Field research through interviews with nine teachers was conducted, six Educationalists teachers, an art professor, an English and physical education teacher. The results indicated that most of these teachers mediates learning through playfulness that children have better learning when the pedagogical work occurs through play, and feel more motivated to attend school. Participants have the idea that playfulness is the play and the play and say the school should value the playful, and need support from the school staff and the community. In conclusion, the playful should be part of everyday school life and more than a teaching strategy, should be valued in the integral formation of the individual
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Pós-graduação em Letras - FCLAS
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Bioethics can be included in the context of psychiatric patients' recovery of dignity and rights, creating a therapeutic interface of social rehabilitation, respect and closeness between professionals and the treated persons. The completion of the analysis of the facts occurred by reviewing 22 articles dated between 1999-2011, from a prior reading, selecting the ones that mention bioethics and mental health. Before the Psychiatric Reform, often, a lack of commitment to the mentally ill was noticed, isolating the patient from a social life. Before the Psychiatric Reform, often, a lack of commitment to the mentally ill was noticed by isolating the patient from a social life. After the Reform, the person with mental illness began to receive a more attentive care. It can be concluded that the Reform tried to bring life to those who had no respect and attention, these patients who needed to be included in a social and urban interaction.
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La ricerca si propone di definire le linee guida per la stesura di un Piano che si occupi di qualità della vita e di benessere. Il richiamo alla qualità e al benessere è positivamente innovativo, in quanto impone agli organi decisionali di sintonizzarsi con la soggettività attiva dei cittadini e, contemporaneamente, rende evidente la necessità di un approccio più ampio e trasversale al tema della città e di una più stretta relazione dei tecnici/esperti con i responsabili degli organismi politicoamministrativi. La ricerca vuole indagare i limiti dell’urbanistica moderna di fronte alla complessità di bisogni e di nuove necessità espresse dalle popolazioni urbane contemporanee. La domanda dei servizi è notevolmente cambiata rispetto a quella degli anni Sessanta, oltre che sul piano quantitativo anche e soprattutto sul piano qualitativo, a causa degli intervenuti cambiamenti sociali che hanno trasformato la città moderna non solo dal punto di vista strutturale ma anche dal punto di vista culturale: l’intermittenza della cittadinanza, per cui le città sono sempre più vissute e godute da cittadini del mondo (turisti e/o visitatori, temporaneamente presenti) e da cittadini diffusi (suburbani, provinciali, metropolitani); la radicale trasformazione della struttura familiare, per cui la famiglia-tipo costituita da una coppia con figli, solido riferimento per l’economia e la politica, è oggi minoritaria; l’irregolarità e flessibilità dei calendari, delle agende e dei ritmi di vita della popolazione attiva; la mobilità sociale, per cui gli individui hanno traiettorie di vita e pratiche quotidiane meno determinate dalle loro origini sociali di quanto avveniva nel passato; l’elevazione del livello di istruzione e quindi l’incremento della domanda di cultura; la crescita della popolazione anziana e la forte individualizzazione sociale hanno generato una domanda di città espressa dalla gente estremamente variegata ed eterogenea, frammentata e volatile, e per alcuni aspetti assolutamente nuova. Accanto a vecchie e consolidate richieste – la città efficiente, funzionale, produttiva, accessibile a tutti – sorgono nuove domande, ideali e bisogni che hanno come oggetto la bellezza, la varietà, la fruibilità, la sicurezza, la capacità di stupire e divertire, la sostenibilità, la ricerca di nuove identità, domande che esprimono il desiderio di vivere e di godere la città, di stare bene in città, domande che non possono essere più soddisfatte attraverso un’idea di welfare semplicemente basata sull’istruzione, la sanità, il sistema pensionistico e l’assistenza sociale. La città moderna ovvero l’idea moderna della città, organizzata solo sui concetti di ordine, regolarità, pulizia, uguaglianza e buon governo, è stata consegnata alla storia passata trasformandosi ora in qualcosa di assai diverso che facciamo fatica a rappresentare, a descrivere, a raccontare. La città contemporanea può essere rappresentata in molteplici modi, sia dal punto di vista urbanistico che dal punto di vista sociale: nella letteratura recente è evidente la difficoltà di definire e di racchiudere entro limiti certi l’oggetto “città” e la mancanza di un convincimento forte nell’interpretazione delle trasformazioni politiche, economiche e sociali che hanno investito la società e il mondo nel secolo scorso. La città contemporanea, al di là degli ambiti amministrativi, delle espansioni territoriali e degli assetti urbanistici, delle infrastrutture, della tecnologia, del funzionalismo e dei mercati globali, è anche luogo delle relazioni umane, rappresentazione dei rapporti tra gli individui e dello spazio urbano in cui queste relazioni si muovono. La città è sia concentrazione fisica di persone e di edifici, ma anche varietà di usi e di gruppi, densità di rapporti sociali; è il luogo in cui avvengono i processi di coesione o di esclusione sociale, luogo delle norme culturali che regolano i comportamenti, dell’identità che si esprime materialmente e simbolicamente nello spazio pubblico della vita cittadina. Per studiare la città contemporanea è necessario utilizzare un approccio nuovo, fatto di contaminazioni e saperi trasversali forniti da altre discipline, come la sociologia e le scienze umane, che pure contribuiscono a costruire l’immagine comunemente percepita della città e del territorio, del paesaggio e dell’ambiente. La rappresentazione del sociale urbano varia in base all’idea di cosa è, in un dato momento storico e in un dato contesto, una situazione di benessere delle persone. L’urbanistica moderna mirava al massimo benessere del singolo e della collettività e a modellarsi sulle “effettive necessità delle persone”: nei vecchi manuali di urbanistica compare come appendice al piano regolatore il “Piano dei servizi”, che comprende i servizi distribuiti sul territorio circostante, una sorta di “piano regolatore sociale”, per evitare quartieri separati per fasce di popolazione o per classi. Nella città contemporanea la globalizzazione, le nuove forme di marginalizzazione e di esclusione, l’avvento della cosiddetta “new economy”, la ridefinizione della base produttiva e del mercato del lavoro urbani sono espressione di una complessità sociale che può essere definita sulla base delle transazioni e gli scambi simbolici piuttosto che sui processi di industrializzazione e di modernizzazione verso cui era orientata la città storica, definita moderna. Tutto ciò costituisce quel complesso di questioni che attualmente viene definito “nuovo welfare”, in contrapposizione a quello essenzialmente basato sull’istruzione, sulla sanità, sul sistema pensionistico e sull’assistenza sociale. La ricerca ha quindi analizzato gli strumenti tradizionali della pianificazione e programmazione territoriale, nella loro dimensione operativa e istituzionale: la destinazione principale di tali strumenti consiste nella classificazione e nella sistemazione dei servizi e dei contenitori urbanistici. E’ chiaro, tuttavia, che per poter rispondere alla molteplice complessità di domande, bisogni e desideri espressi dalla società contemporanea le dotazioni effettive per “fare città” devono necessariamente superare i concetti di “standard” e di “zonizzazione”, che risultano essere troppo rigidi e quindi incapaci di adattarsi all’evoluzione di una domanda crescente di qualità e di servizi e allo stesso tempo inadeguati nella gestione del rapporto tra lo spazio domestico e lo spazio collettivo. In questo senso è rilevante il rapporto tra le tipologie abitative e la morfologia urbana e quindi anche l’ambiente intorno alla casa, che stabilisce il rapporto “dalla casa alla città”, perché è in questa dualità che si definisce il rapporto tra spazi privati e spazi pubblici e si contestualizzano i temi della strada, dei negozi, dei luoghi di incontro, degli accessi. Dopo la convergenza dalla scala urbana alla scala edilizia si passa quindi dalla scala edilizia a quella urbana, dal momento che il criterio del benessere attraversa le diverse scale dello spazio abitabile. Non solo, nei sistemi territoriali in cui si è raggiunto un benessere diffuso ed un alto livello di sviluppo economico è emersa la consapevolezza che il concetto stesso di benessere sia non più legato esclusivamente alla capacità di reddito collettiva e/o individuale: oggi la qualità della vita si misura in termini di qualità ambientale e sociale. Ecco dunque la necessità di uno strumento di conoscenza della città contemporanea, da allegare al Piano, in cui vengano definiti i criteri da osservare nella progettazione dello spazio urbano al fine di determinare la qualità e il benessere dell’ambiente costruito, inteso come benessere generalizzato, nel suo significato di “qualità dello star bene”. E’ evidente che per raggiungere tale livello di qualità e benessere è necessario provvedere al soddisfacimento da una parte degli aspetti macroscopici del funzionamento sociale e del tenore di vita attraverso gli indicatori di reddito, occupazione, povertà, criminalità, abitazione, istruzione, etc.; dall’altra dei bisogni primari, elementari e di base, e di quelli secondari, culturali e quindi mutevoli, trapassando dal welfare state allo star bene o well being personale, alla wellness in senso olistico, tutte espressioni di un desiderio di bellezza mentale e fisica e di un nuovo rapporto del corpo con l’ambiente, quindi manifestazione concreta di un’esigenza di ben-essere individuale e collettivo. Ed è questa esigenza, nuova e difficile, che crea la diffusa sensazione dell’inizio di una nuova stagione urbana, molto più di quanto facciano pensare le stesse modifiche fisiche della città.
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This paper studies relational goods as immaterial assets creating real effects in society. The work starts answering to this question: what kind of effects do relational goods produce? After an accurate literature examination we suppose relational goods are social relations of second order. In the hypotesis they come from the emergence of two distinct social relations: interpersonal and reflexive relations. We describe empirical evidences of these emergent assets in social life and we test the effects they produce with a model. In the work we focus on four targets. First of all we describe the emergence of relational goods through a mathematical model. Then we individualize social realities where relational goods show evident effects and we outline our scientific hypotesis. The following step consists in the formulation of empirical tests. At last we explain final results. Our aim is to set apart the constitutive structure of relational goods into a checkable model coherently with the empirical evidences shown in the research. In the study we use multi-variate analysis techniques to see relational goods in a new way and we use qualitative and quantitative strategies. Relational goods are analysed both as dependent and independent variable in order to consider causative factors acting in a black-box model. Moreover we analyse effects of relational goods inside social spheres, especially in third sector and capitalistic economy. Finally we attain to effective indexes of relational goods in order to compare them with some performance indexes.
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The group studied 1,253 students from various types of schools chosen randomly from those in Prague and Budejovice in order to evaluate the life styles, prevailing value standards, attitudes and behavioural patterns of Czech adolescents. The respondents (including 614 men and 639 women with an average age of 16.4 years) completed questionnaires containing standard scales focusing on feelings about social life, conservative and authoritarian tendencies, levels of self-esteem, general health, eating attitudes and behaviour The adolescents showed a relatively high level of conformity with authoritarian, conservative tendencies and with a dictate of power, rigid conventionality, ethnocentrism and low inner tolerance of differences, their scores being higher than those found in Western European countries. These tendencies were stronger among students outside Prague and those attending vocational schools. As the level of education rose, the sense of fatality and social determination decreased, indicating a higher share of responsibility for events in the surrounding world. When changes of life style were considered, adolescents can be expected to adapt more easily to more risky, socially attractive and manifest models of attitudes and behaviour. On the one hand, adolescents were often involved in sports, and young women in particular often showed a extreme concern and care for their own bodies. On the other hand, one quarter of respondents smoked, one fifth reported serious problems with alcohol and one quarter had already had some experience with drugs. One third of young men and one quarter of young women reported regular consumption of alcohol, and 6.5 percent of men and 3.6 percent of women regularly smoked marihuana or hashish. For the majority of adolescents, life conditions and conformity seem to be more important than the sense of active choice and responsibility for one's own life.
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This research was based on the results of a case study of a large confectionery factory in the Russian city of Samara. The concept of paternalism is clear in many features of the life of Russian enterprises, including the rhetoric and strategy of the management, relationships within the labour force and the stereotypical expectations of workers. The concept also has a much wider bearing, embracing the spheres of state policy, the social, and family relationships, that is every sphere of social life in which the patriarchal, communal, stereotyped way of thinking of the Soviet people is reproduced. A substantial proportion of the state's role in providing social protection for the population is carried out through enterprises. In spite of low salaries and the absence of career opportunities, female workers were as strongly attached to the enterprise as to their homes. Romanov's research showed how the development of capitalism in industries in Russia is destroying the cultural and social identities of female workers and is contributing to gender inequality. Interpersonal relations are becoming increasingly utilitarian and distant and the basic features of the patriarchal type of administrative control are becoming blurred. This control is becoming more subtle, but gender segregation is preserved in the new framework and indeed becoming more obvious, being reproduced both at the departmental level and in the hiring policy of the enterprise as a whole.
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In Western societies the increase in female employment (especially among married women) is seen as having brought about the crisis of the traditional model of the family, reinforcing the position of the "modern" model - the egalitarian family with two working spouses and a "dual-career" family. In contrast, the transitional situation in the post-communist countries during the 1990s is producing a crisis of the family with two working spouses (the basic type of the communist period) and leading to new power relations within the family. While the growth of dual-earner households in this century has implied modification of family models towards greater symmetry of responsibility for breadwinning and homemaking, there is considerable evidence that women's increased employment does not necessarily lead to a more egalitarian approach to gender roles within the family. The group set out to investigate the economic situation of families and economic power within the fame as a crucial factor in the transformation of families with two working spouses in order to reveal the specific patterns of gender contracts and power relations within the family that are emerging in response to the current political and economic transformation. They opted for a comparative approach, selecting the Czech Republic as a country where the very similar tendencies of a few years ago (almost 100% of women employed and the family as a realm of considerable private freedom where both women's and men's gender identities and the traditional distribution of family responsibilities were largely preserved) are combined with a very different experience in terms of economic inequalities during the 1990s to that of Russia. In the first stage of the study they surveyed 300 married couples (150 in each country) on the question of breadwinning. They then carried out in-depth interviews with 10 couples from each country (selected from among the educated layers of the population), focusing on the process of the social construction of gender, using breadwinning and homemaking as gender boundaries which distinguish men from women. By analysing changes in social position and the type of interpersonal interaction of spouses they distinguished two main types of family contracts: the neo-traditional "communal sharing" (with male breadwinner, traditional distribution of family chores and negotiated family power) and the modern one based on negotiated agreement. The most important pre-conditions of husband-wife agreement about breadwinning seemed to imply their overall gender ideology rather than the economic and/or family circumstances. In general, wives were more likely to express egalitarian views, supporting the blurring or even elimination of many gender boundaries. Husbands, on the other hand, more often gave responses calling for the continued maintenance of gender boundaries. The analysis showed that breadwinning is still an important gender boundary in these cultures, one that is assumed unless it is explicitly questioned and that is seen as part of what makes a man a "real man". The majority of respondents seemed to be committed to egalitarian ideology on gender roles and the distribution of family tasks, including decision making, but this is contradicted by the persistent idea of the husband as the breadwinner. This contradiction is more characteristic of the Russian situation than of the Czech. The quantitative study showed a difference in prevailing family models between the two countries, with a clearer shift towards the traditional family contract in the Russian case. The Czechs were more likely to consider their partnerships as based on negotiated agreement, while the Russians saw theirs as based on egalitarian contract, in both cases seeing this as the norm. The majority of couples said they felt satisfied with their marriage, although in both countries wives seemed to be less satisfied. There was however a difference in the issues that aroused dissatisfaction, with Czech women being more sensitive to issues such as self-realisation, personal independence, understanding and recognition in the family, and Russians to issues of love, understanding and recognition. The most disputed area for the majority of families was chores in the home, presumably because in many families both husband and wife were working hard outside the home and because a number of partners had differing views as to the ideal distribution of chores within the family. The distribution of power in the family seems to be linked to the level of well being. The analysis showed that in the dominant democratic model there is still an inverse connection between family leadership and well being: the more prominent the wife's position as head of the family is, the lower the level of family income. This may reflect both the husband's refusal to play the leading role in the family and even his rejection of any involvement in family issues in such a family. The qualitative research revealed that both men and women see the breadwinning role to be an essential part of masculine identity, a role which the female partner would take on temporarily to assist the male but not permanently since this would threaten the gender boundaries and the man's identity. At the same time, few breadwinners expressed a sense of job satisfaction and all considered their choice as imposed on them by the circumstances (i.e. having a family in difficult times). The group feel that family orientation and some loss of personal involvement in their profession is partly reflected in the fact that many of the men felt more comfortable and self-confident at home than at work. Women's work, on the other hand, was largely seen as a source of personal and self-realisation and social life. Eight out of ten of the Russian women interviewed were employed, although only two on a full-time basis, but none saw their jobs as adding substantially to the family budget. Both partners see the most important factor as the wife's wish to work or stay at home, and do not think it wise for the wife to work at the expense of her part of the "family contract", although husbands from the "egalitarian" relationships expressed more willingness to compromise. The analysis showed clearly that wives and husbands did not construct gender boundaries in isolation, with the interviews providing clear evidence of negotiation. At the same time, husbands' interpretations of their wives' employment were less susceptible to the influence of negotiation than were their gender attitudes and norms about breadwinning. One of the most interesting aspects of the spouses' negotiations was the extent to which they disagreed about what they seemed to have agreed upon. Most disagreements about the breadwinning boundaries, however, were over norms and were settled by changes in norms rather than in behavioural interpretation. Changes in norms were often a form of peace offering or were in response in changes in circumstances. The study did show, however, that many of the efforts at cooperation and compensation were more symbolic than real and the group found the plasticity of expressed gender ideology to be one of the most striking findings of their work. They conclude that the shift towards more traditional gednder distributions of incomes and domestic chores does not automatically mean the reestablishment of a patriarchal model of family power. On the contrary, it seems to be a compromise formation, relatively unstable, temporary and containing self-defeating forces as the split between the personal and professional value of work and its social value expressed in a money equivalent cannot be maintained for generations.