Sistema de votació ciutadana a nivell europeu a través d'Internet

Disseny d'una base de dades que serveixi de magatzem d'informació per a una futura aplicació de votacions ciutadanes a través d'Internet per a la Comunitat Europea.

Disseny i implementació de la base de dades d'un sistema de votació ciutadana a nivell europeu a través d'Internet

Disseny d'una base de dades que serveixi de magatzem d'informació per a una futura aplicació de votacions ciutadanes a través d'Internet per a la Comunitat Europea.

20 Year Strategy for the Irish Language 2010-2030

The objective of Government policy in relation to Irish is to increase on an incremental basis the use and knowledge of Irish as a community language. Specifically, the Government’s aim is to ensure that as many citizens as possible are bilingual in both Irish and English. It is an integral component of the Government’s Irish language policy that close attention be given to its place in the Gaeltacht, particularly in light of research which indicates that the language’s viability as a household and community language in the Gaeltacht is under threat. The aim of Government policy is also to: increase the number of families throughout the country who use Irish as the daily language of communication; provide linguistic support for the Gaeltacht as an Irish-speaking community and to recognise the issues which arise in areas where Irish is the household and community language; ensure that in public discourse and in public services the use of Irish or English will be, as far as practical, a choice for the citizen to make and that over time more and more people throughout the State will choose to do their business in Irish; and ensure that Irish becomes more visible in our society, both as a spoken language by our citizens and also in areas such as signage and literature

National Strategy for Higher Education 2030

Ireland’s higher education system has played a major role in the development of Irish society and the economy, and has an even more critical role to play in the coming decades as we seek to rebuild an innovative knowledge-based economy that will provide sustainable employment opportunities and good standards of living for all our citizens. Its role in enabling every citizen to realise their full potential and in generating new ideas through research are and will be the foundation for wider developments in society. The development of the higher education system in the years to 2030 will take place initially in an environment of severe constraints on public finances. Demand to invest in education to support job creation and innovation, and to help people back into employment is increasing. In the wider world, globalisation, technological advancement and innovation are defining economic development, people are much more mobile internationally as they seek out career opportunities, and competition for foreign direct investment remains intense.

National Strategy for Higher Education 2030 - Summary

Ireland’s higher education system has played a major role in the development of Irish society and the economy, and has an even more critical role to play in the coming decades as we seek to rebuild an innovative knowledge-based economy that will provide sustainable employment opportunities and good standards of living for all our citizens. Its role in enabling every citizen to realise their full potential and in generating new ideas through research are and will be the foundation for wider developments in society. The development of the higher education system in the years to 2030 will take place initially in an environment of severe constraints on public finances. Demand to invest in education to support job creation and innovation, and to help people back into employment is increasing. In the wider world, globalisation, technological advancement and innovation are defining economic development, people are much more mobile internationally as they seek out career opportunities, and competition for foreign direct investment remains intense.

Alcoolisme et violence: dangerosité et relation médecin-malade [Alcohol and violence: reflection on care and responsibility].

Violence and aggression in human drinking society, either physical, psychological, sexual or resulting from neglect are not only debilitating both for the victim and the offender but extremely prevalent and pervasive. While being on the frontline to identify and rate auto- and hetero aggressive behaviour risk, the general health practitioner remains keen to protect his special relationship. When a history of violent behaviour becomes apparent, discernment must be thoroughly assessed and a critical exploration of its larger impact on family, children, co-workers and everyday fellow citizen should become compulsory.

COINE Project : Cultural Objects in Networked Environments

La idea subjacent al Projecte de Recerca i Desenvolupament COINE és permetre a la gent contar les seves pròpies històries. COINE pretén proporcionar les eines necessàries per crear estructuradament, un entorn basat en el World Wide Web, que permeti compartir continguts. Els resultats del Projecte ajudaran al desenvolupament d'estàndards per a la implantació i la recuperació estructurades de recursos digitals en entorns en xarxa distribuïda. El Projecte de COINE s'inicià el març de 2002 i finalitzà l'agost de 2004. Avui en dia estem al WorkPackage 5 on estem construint el Sistema, el programari i les interfícies. COINE pretén cobrir la gamma més àmplia possible d'usuaris potencials, des d'organitzacions de patrimoni cultural i institucions de qualsevol mida (principalment biblioteques, arxius i museus) fins a individus de qualsevol edat sense habilitats en l'ús de les TIC, o a grups petits de ciutadans. Els usuaris no utilitzaran només COINE com a eina de cerca, sinó que contribuiran amb el seu propi contingut.

Els Plans locals de joventut: una forma de participació juvenil

Aquest treball neix de l’interès per conèixer quin és el funcionament dels Plans Locals de Joventut (PLJ), com a instrument per treballar les polítiques de joventut, i el paper de la participació juvenil entorn aquest context. La temàtica principal és els PLJ però en relació amb la participació, el jovent i les polítiques de joventut actuals

Projecte educatiu de ciutat de Girona

El treball que es presenta a continuació és una descripció del procés que ha seguit el Projecte Educatiu de Ciutat de Girona per elaborar-ne el propi disseny. Es defineix el PEC com a eina participativa de planificació municipal per a la concreció de les línies prioritàries de l’educació d’un territori i com a tal ha comptat d’un procés marcat principalment per la implicació ciutadana. Aquest procés ha tingut una durada de 17 mesos però en el present treball es desenvolupen, específicament, els últims mesos on hi ha hagut una participació més directe i vinculant

Toxoplasmosis seroprevalence in urban rodents: a survey in Niamey, Niger

A serological survey of Toxoplasma gondii was conducted on 766 domestic and peridomestic rodents from 46 trapping sites throughout the city of Niamey, Niger. A low seroprevalence was found over the whole town with only 1.96% of the rodents found seropositive. However, differences between species were important, ranging from less than 2% in truly commensal Mastomys natalensis, Rattus rattus and Mus musculus, while garden-associated Arvicanthis niloticus displayed 9.1% of seropositive individuals. This is in line with previous studies on tropical rodents - that we reviewed here - which altogether show that Toxoplasma seroprevalence in rodent is highly variable, depending on many factors such as locality and/or species. Moreover, although we were not able to decipher statistically between habitat or species effect, such a contrast between Nile grass rats and the other rodent species points towards a potentially important role of environmental toxoplasmic infection. This would deserve to be further scrutinised since intra-city irrigated cultures are extending in Niamey, thus potentially increasing Toxoplasma circulation in this yet semi-arid region. As far as we are aware of, our study is one of the rare surveys of its kind performed in Sub-Saharan Africa and the first one ever conducted in the Sahel.

Tot el poder als joves! : els consells de joves com a instruments de participació ciutadana en temps de crisi globalitzada i d'exclusió social de la joventut

En una època de transformacions vertiginoses que han situat les generacions joves en una situació d'exclusió social, política, econòmica i simbòlica, les polítiques de joventut han d'esdevenir un revulsiu per a l'aprenentatge i la normalització de la ciutadania activa, dins un ampli programa de reforma social orientat a la recuperació de l'Estat del benestar i de la iniciativa política per part d'unes institucions refundades sobre nocions de democràcia participativa. En aquest context, el moviment associatiu juvenil és una expressió genuïna d'apoderament, participació autònoma i capacitat d'anàlisi que pot tenir un paper protagonista, amb l'extensió del model de consells de joves arreu del territori com a espais de deliberació, decisió i participació democràtica

Aproximació i proposta a un pla de desenvolupament comunitari

El present treball duu a terme una aproximació a diferents Plans de Desenvolupament Comunitari (PDC) per mitjà de tres experiències concretes. La finalitat es centra en conèixer quines són les característiques, elements i principis bàsics per a la creació d’un marc de referència previ que permeti elaborar una proposta concreta de PDC en el marc del municipi de Banyoles. La proposta de PDC es planteja en termes generals i se’n concreta la seva fase prèvia, d’anàlisi de la realitat, des d’una vessant tècnica

Ex-post survey on the consequences and perceptions about amalgamation : The case of two Swiss municipalities

In 2006, two municipalities located in the canton of Fribourg (Switzerland), La Tour-de-Trême and Bulle, amalgamated. In this study, we report on the evolution of citizen perceptions as well as try to better understand the reasons behind the respondents various positions concerning this new political and territorial entity. Five-hundred individuals were surveyed almost four years after the amalgamation came into effect. Our results show that if the amalgamation was voted again, it would be necessary to be particularly attentive to citizen access to municipal offices and to local service provisions, to citizen identification to their municipality as well as to the life of the local associations. Indeed, these are clearly important issues for small localities. Furthermore, citizens of the newly amalgamated municipality are mostly sensitive to access to municipal offices and to contact with local representatives. Improving the population's perceptions of these particular issues could lead to a 12 percentage point increase in support for the amalgamation.

Are the Policy Preferences of Relatively Poor Citizens Under-represented in the Swiss Parliament?

The principle of equal political representation can be undermined by differences in economic resources among citizens. Poor citizens are likely to hold policy preferences that differ from those of richer citizens. At the same time, their lack of resources can have as a consequence that these preferences are not taken into consideration by their representatives. Focusing on the case of the Swiss Parliament and using survey data on the opinions of citizens and MPs in the 2007-2011 legislature, this study investigates whether the income of citizens systematically affects the proximity of their policy preferences with stances of their representatives. It demonstrates that on economic issues MPs hold preferences that are generally less in favour of the state's intervention in the economy than the median citizen and that relatively poor citizens are less well represented as compared to citizens with high incomes. This remains true when taking into account only the opinions of the most knowledgeable citizens among these groups as well as when the focus is only on those who turned out to vote.

On Strong Citizens: A Sociological View on Cognitions and Contentious Participation

The present thesis is about cognitions of left-wing activists and the role they play to better understand contentious participation. It compares activists of three post-industrial social movement organizations in Switzerland, i.e. Solidarity across Borders defending migrant's rights, the Society of Threatened People promoting collective human rights and Greenpeace protecting the environment. It makes use of an innovative mixed methods design combining survey and interview data. The main theoretical contribution is to conceptualize an analytical tool enabling to grasp the cognitive map of these activists by putting forward the concept of strong citizen, summing up their relation to society and politics. The relation to society consists of an extensive relation to others and an interconnected vision of society. Consequently, their primary concerns include the handing of common goods and the equal treatment of individuals with regard to common goods. The relation to politics incorporates a critical and vigilant citizen. They are critical towards political authorities and they appreciate political action by organized groups of the civil society. The thesis states that only by having such worldviews activists are able to construct an injustice, agency and identity frame for the claims of their organizations. Thus, the present work delivers a parsimonious answer to the question of where an injustice, agency and identity frame comes from. It does so by a systematic analysis of four specific arguments. First, it empirically demonstrates that these activists have - at the aggregate level - specific cognitive resources compared to the general population. Second, it describes the content of this specific cognitive outlook by evaluating the appropriateness of the strong citizen concept. Third, it looks at variations between activist's communities and shows that activists of more challenging protest issues are stronger citizens than activists of more mainstream protests. Finally, cognitions are not the only part of the story if one looks at contentious participation. Other factors, i.e. social networks and biographical availability, matter too. Therefore, I test if cognitions are able to contribute in explaining differences between activists' communities if one controls for other factors. In sum, this thesis is thus a first step to demonstrate why one should be concerned about activists' cognitions. - Cette thèse s'intéresse aux cognitions des activistes de gauche et à leur rôle dans le phénomène de la participation contestataire. Des activistes de trois organisations post- industrielles en Suisse sont comparé, à savoir Solidarité sans Frontières qui défend les droits des migrants, la Société des Peuples menacés qui promeut les droits des collectivités minoritaires et Greenpeace qui oeuvre pour la protection de l'environnement. Cette recherche utilise un « mixed methods design » en combinant de manière innovant des données de sondage et d'entretiens. Ma principale contribution théorique réside dans la conceptualisation d'un outil analytique qui permet de saisir la « carte cognitive » des activistes, à travers le concept de « strong citizen » qui se réfère à la relation spécifique qu'entretiennent certains individus avec la société et la politique. Ces individus sont caractérisés par une vision inclusive et interconnectée de la société, ainsi que par une conception politique du citoyen comme critique et vigilant. Mon argument principal est celui selon lequel seuls les individus possédant ce type particulier de cognitions sont capable de construire un cadre d'injustice, d'« agency » et d'identité. Cette thèse apporte donc quelques éléments de réponse à la question de l'origine de ces cadres cognitifs qui sont cruciales pour la participation. Pour ce faire, quatre aspects spécifiques sont analysés de manière systématique. Premièrement, je démontre empiriquement, au niveau agrégé, que ces activistes possèdent effectivement des ressources cognitives spécifiques - en comparaison avec la population générale. Deuxièmement, j'analyse le contenu de ces cognitions, ce qui me permet notamment d'évaluer la pertinence et l'adéquation du concept de « strong citizen ». Troisièmement, en m'intéressant cette fois aux variations entre communautés d'activistes, je démontre que ceux réunis autour d'enjeux protestataires très revendicatifs sont, d'un point de vue cognitif, plus proches de la figure du « strong citizen » que ceux mobilisés sur des enjeux plus consensuels. Finalement, d'autres facteurs, à savoir les réseaux sociaux et la disponibilité biographique, sont intégrés à l'analyse afin de mesurer le réel pouvoir explicatif des cognitions dans l'explication des différences observées entre communautés d'activistes. A travers ces analyses, cette thèse met en avant l'importance du rôle des cognitions dans l'étude de la participation contestataire.