952 resultados para Archias, Aulus Licinius, b. 120 B.C.


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Mode of access: Internet.

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Frontispiece of volume 2 is portrait of Janus Dousa.

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In vitro measurements of skin absorption are an increasingly important aspect of regulatory studies, product support claims, and formulation screening. However, such measurements are significantly affected by skin variability. The purpose of this study was to determine inter- and intralaboratory variation in diffusion cell measurements caused by factors other than skin. This was attained through the use of an artificial (silicone rubber) rate-limiting membrane and the provision of materials including a standard penetrant, methyl paraben (MP), and a minimally prescriptive protocol to each of the 18 participating laboratories. Standardized calculations of MP flux were determined from the data submitted by each laboratory by applying a predefined mathematical model. This was deemed necessary to eliminate any interlaboratory variation caused by different methods of flux calculations. Average fluxes of MP calculated and reported by each laboratory (60 +/- 27 mug cm(-2) h(-1), n = 25, range 27-101) were in agreement with the standardized calculations of MP flux (60 +/- 21 mug cm(-2) h(-1), range 19-120). The coefficient of variation between laboratories was approximately 35% and was manifest as a fourfold difference between the lowest and highest average flux values and a sixfold difference between the lowest and highest individual flux values. Intra-laboratory variation was lower, averaging 10% for five individuals using the same equipment within a single laboratory. Further studies should be performed to clarify the exact components responsible for nonskin-related variability in diffusion cell measurements. It is clear that further developments of in vitro methodologies for measuring skin absorption are required. (C) 2005 Wiley-Liss, Inc.

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O memóravel rei Salomão passou para a história como um sábio por excelência. Ainda na atualidade, a maioria das pessoas relaciona o seu nome com a sabedoria. Mas a partir do momento que passamos a ter conhecimento dos textos que se referem a Salomão, de como foram construídos e quais as ideologias ali presentes (tanto as favoráveis quanto as contrárias), surgem muitos questionamentos, em especial, quando se busca metodicamente dissociar a história da memória. Ao que parece a historiografia tradicional sobre Salomão, ainda encontra-se muito dependente da figura idealizada de Salomão. Resultado de uma construção feita desde a sua época, pelas mãos de seus escribas, como tambm em tempos posteriores, de acordo com os interesses de cada época. Concluí-se que a sabedoria de Salomão nada mais é do que uma construção ideológica. A partir dessa perspectiva, surge o desafio de buscar outra memória de Salomão, a fim de propor um caminho alternativo, que nos permita produzir uma nova historiografia a respeito de Salomão. Uma historiografia que não se firma na memória oficial , mas que siga na direção contrária, a partir das memórias dos que não se deixaram influenciar pela ideologia do poder. Dessa forma, poderemos alcançar a comprovação de nossa tese: a existência de duas memórias conflitantes a respeito de Salomão, dentro da Escola de Escribas da corte de Jerusalém no século X a.C. Infelizmente, as fontes disponíveis sobre esse assunto são realmente escassas, o que temos são textos, isto é, memórias sobre Salomão. Escolheu-se um texto crítico a Salomão. Trata-se de 1Rs 1-2, texto que pertence a chamada História da Sucessão de Davi, acreditando-se que a partir dele, consiga-se produzir uma historiografia diferente da historiografia tradicional. Concluímos que dentro da Escola de Escribas Salomônica existiam duas ideologias conflitantes. Os que eram a favor de Salomão, defendiam os interesses urbanos. Aqueles que pertenciam à escola anti-Salomônica e anti-Jerusalém, representavam os interesses dos camponeses explorados e oprimidos pelo poder.

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Esta pesquisa procura examinar, à luz da metodologia exegética, a perícope de Miqueias 2,1-5, a fim de reconstruir o cenário no qual emergiu a dura crítica social do profeta. O texto apresenta, em sua análise literária, características de um dito profético coeso, em estilo poético. Sua estrutura encontra-se dividida em duas unidades (denúncia e castigo), sendo que cada uma das unidades possui outras duas subunidades (genérica e específica). O gênero literário harmoniza-se com um dito profético de julgamento geralmente conhecido como oráculo ai . A análise da dimensão histórica situa o acontecimento fundante em 701 a.C., na Sefelá judaíta. Numa análise investigativa do conteúdo da denúncia norteado pelo modelo teórico do modo de produção tributário, observa-se um conflito entre dois grupos. Nesse conflito, Miqueias faz uma acusação a um grupo de poder em Judá que planeja e executa ações criminosas contra a herança camponesa. O castigo descreve a conspiração e o plano divino contra esse grupo de poder. Javé havia planejado um mal idêntico ao que eles haviam cometido, desonra e privação de suas possessões. Os valores culturais de honra e vergonha subjazem a esse oráculo. Por descumprirem seus deveres junto a Javé e ao povo, os criminosos perderiam todos os seus direitos e, sobretudo, a honra perante a própria comunidade. Com base no modelo teórico do modo de produção tributário, constata-se que, na situação social em Judá no oitavo século, prevalecia um conflito entre campo e cidade. As comunidades aldeãs pagavam tributo à cidade em forma de produtos e serviços. A excessiva arrecadação de tributo e as falhas no sistema de ajuda mútua forçaram os indivíduos e famílias a contrair dívidas, a hipotecar suas terras herdadas dos pais e eventualmente perdê-las. O profeta Miqueias é o porta-voz do protesto da classe campesina que resolve reagir aos desmandos praticados pela elite citadina. Para ele, Javé escuta a queixa dos que estão sendo oprimidos e intervém na história tomando o partido do oprimido.(AU)

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The aim of this research was to investigate the molecular interactions occurring in the formulation of non-ionic surfactant based vesicles composed monopalmitoyl glycerol (MPG), cholesterol (Chol) and dicetyl phosphate (DCP). In the formulation of these vesicles, the thermodynamic attributes and surfactant interactions based on molecular dynamics, Langmuir monolayer studies, differential scanning calorimetry (DSC), hot stage microscopy and thermogravimetric analysis (TGA) were investigated. Initially the melting points of the components individually, and combined at a 5:4:1 MPG:Chol:DCP weight ratio, were investigated; the results show that lower (90 C) than previously reported (120-140 C) temperatures could be adopted to produce molten surfactants for the production of niosomes. This was advantageous for surfactant stability; whilst TGA studies show that the individual components were stable to above 200 C, the 5:4:1 MPG:Chol:DCP mixture show ∼2% surfactant degradation at 140 C, compared to 0.01% was measured at 90 C. Niosomes formed at this lower temperature offered comparable characteristics to vesicles prepared using higher temperatures commonly reported in literature. In the formation of niosome vesicles, cholesterol also played a key role. Langmuir monolayer studies demonstrated that intercalation of cholesterol in the monolayer did not occur in the MPG:Chol:DCP (5:4:1 weight ratio) mixture. This suggests cholesterol may support bilayer assembly, with molecular simulation studies also demonstrating that vesicles cannot be built without the addition of cholesterol, with higher concentrations of cholesterol (5:4:1 vs 5:2:1, MPG:Chol:DCP) decreasing the time required for niosome assembly. © 2013 Elsevier B.V.

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A uniform chronology for foraminifera-based sea surface temperature records has been established in more than 120 sediment cores obtained from the equatorial and eastern Atlantic up to the Arctic Ocean. The chronostratigraphy of the last 30,000 years is mainly based on published d18O records and 14C ages from accelerator mass spectrometry, converted into calendar-year ages. The high-precision age control provides the database necessary for the uniform reconstruction of the climate interval of the Last Glacial Maximum within the GLAMAP-2000 project.

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The exponential growth of studies on the biological response to ocean acidification over the last few decades has generated a large amount of data. To facilitate data comparison, a data compilation hosted at the data publisher PANGAEA was initiated in 2008 and is updated on a regular basis (doi:10.1594/PANGAEA.149999). By January 2015, a total of 581 data sets (over 4 000 000 data points) from 539 papers had been archived. Here we present the developments of this data compilation five years since its first description by Nisumaa et al. (2010). Most of study sites from which data archived are still in the Northern Hemisphere and the number of archived data from studies from the Southern Hemisphere and polar oceans are still relatively low. Data from 60 studies that investigated the response of a mix of organisms or natural communities were all added after 2010, indicating a welcomed shift from the study of individual organisms to communities and ecosystems. The initial imbalance of considerably more data archived on calcification and primary production than on other processes has improved. There is also a clear tendency towards more data archived from multifactorial studies after 2010. For easier and more effective access to ocean acidification data, the ocean acidification community is strongly encouraged to contribute to the data archiving effort, and help develop standard vocabularies describing the variables and define best practices for archiving ocean acidification data.

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Profound changes have marked Greek society from the fourth century B.C.. Conquests, wars and epidemics altered drastically the Greek’s posture regarding his public life, his conception of gods and hence the construction of their spaces, whether sacred or profane. Through the fonts, we perceived that the cult of god Asklepeios turned very popular, in this context, for the peculiar way that the god relates to his devotees, through the dreams. We know that the dream was held, for the Greeks, as a space of real existence, it was sacred, and could be accessed in the healing rituals of Asklepios. Our work intends, thereby, to understand the curious and peculiar oniric space, mainly through the inscriptions, architectural structures of the sanctuary and the ancient texts that refer to the context of the period, because we understand that this space was the essential condition for the popularization of the cult, it placed the individual in direct contact with the divinity, a rare closeness between men and gods accepted by the greek imagery until then.

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La reafirmación del modelo político-administrativo ciudadano tras la fase arcaica colonial abre una nueva etapa de prosperidad en la antigua fundación tiria. El esplendor de Gadir en el s. V a.C. se refleja en los textos clásicos y en los hallazgos arqueológicos y, sin embargo, nuestros conocimientos sobre el desarrollo histórico de la ciudad de época púnica son muy limitados. El horizonte arcaico comienza a esclarecerse tras los hallazgos del Teatro Cómico que han sacado a la luz los restos de la fundación tiria y, sin embargo, la ciudad posterior continúa siendo una gran incógnita. ¿A qué lugar se traslada la población una vez que se abandona el asentamiento primitivo? ¿Quiénes son los individuos enterrados en los excepcionales sarcófagos antropoides? ¿Qué relación jerárquica existe entre el asentamiento insular y los situados en tierra firme? ¿Qué papel jugó la industria y comercialización de las salazones? Los interrogantes planteados son múltiples y no hacen más que evidenciar la incapacidad del paradigma tradicional para explicar el desarrollo histórico de la Gadir postcolonial y la necesidad de buscar nuevos modelos interpretativos.

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Quintus Curtius found in his sources a speech where a Scythian censured Alexander, followed by the King’s reply. Curtius drastically abridged this second discourse in order to highlight the criticism of the Macedonian. The Scythian’s words have a striking rhetorical language and some allusions taken from Greek literature, in addition to possible indirect references to Caligula. Curtius declares that he follows his source word-for-word aiming to justify these inconsistencies, but also trying to hide the manipulations he has done to achieve his own narrative purposes.