829 resultados para universal policies


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Nos anos 90, com a implementação do "mercado livre" pelo governo Collor, noções como "produtividade" e "resultados" ganham centralidade na vida econômica brasileira. Nessa mesma época, é notório, nas classes trabalhadoras, o aumento do número de fiéis da Igreja Universal do Reino de Deus, defensora da "Teologia da Prosperidade". Entendo que o expressivo crescimento da conversão dos pobres brasileiros ao neopentecostalismo que autoriza o direito dos indivíduos a uma existência terrena de "prosperidade" incentivando seus fiéis ao trabalho empreendedor, justamente na década de 1990, e o fenômeno do elogio ao "sucesso" que despontou no horizonte da "economia de mercado" estão intimamente relacionados. A partir de etnografia em uma congregação carioca da IURD reflito sobre a imbricação dos dois processos.

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Este artigo apresenta notas sobre a relação entre religião, mídia e produção fonográfica através da exposição de dados sobre o Diante do Trono (DT), a Igreja Universal (IURD) e uma controvérsia que envolve ambos. A narrativa mostra o sucesso do DT e recupera parte da trajetória da IURD a fim de compreender as acusações feitas por Edir Macedo contra a cantora da banda. Destaca-se a disputa de dois conglomerados empresariais: de um lado o da IURD, com a TV Record buscando audiência e a Line Records tentando se manter no mercado gospel; de outro, o das Organizações Globo, que vem se aproximando dos evangélicos através da música e conta com a Som Livre como distribuidora dos trabalhos do DT desde 2009.

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Este artigo tem por finalidade mapear e descrever algumas práticas relacionadas à produção de uma performatividade do feminino mimetizada em formas de falar, de se apreender e de experienciar os corpos a partir da circulação de imagens na internet, em páginas da Igreja Universal do Reino de Deus (IURD) voltadas para o público feminino. Meu objetivo ao recuperar essa interação é pensar o papel que a mídia, de modo geral, e as tecnologias da internet, de modo particular, têm na formação de tais performatividades, ora por meio de linguagem de gendramento dos gêneros, ora mediante tecnologias de poder que conformam a sujeição e a subjetivação dos sujeitos.

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The purpose of this thesis is to study how and to which extent Finland, Sweden and Norway have adapted their alcohol policies to the framework imposed to them by the EU and the European Economic Area (EEA) since the mid-1990s. This is done by studying the underlying mechanisms that have influenced the formation of alcohol policy in the Nordic countries in that period. As a part of this analysis main differences in alcohol policies and alcohol consumption between the three countries are assessed and the phenomenon of cross-border trade with alcohol is discussed. The study examines also the development of Finnish, Norwegian and Swedish alcohol policies between 1994 and 2012 and compares the Nordic alcohol policies with other alcohol policies in Europe as the situation was in 2012. The time frame of the study spans from the mid-1990s to the end of 2013 and is divided into three phases. Studying the role of the Europeanisation process on the formation of alcohol policies has a key role in the analysis. Besides alcohol policies, the analyses comprise the development of alcohol consumption and cross-border trade with alcohol. In addition, a quantitative scale constructed to measure the strictness of alcohol policies is utilised in the analyses. The results from the scale are used to substantiate the qualitative analysis and to test whether the stereotypical view of a strict Nordic alcohol policy is still true. The results from the study clearly corroborate earlier findings on the significance of Europeanisation and the Single Market for the development of alcohol policies in the Nordic countries. Free movement of goods and unhindered competition have challenged the principle of disinterest and enabled private profit seeking in alcohol trade. The Single Market has also contributed to the increase in availability of alcohol and made it more difficult for the Nordic EU member states to maintain restrictive alcohol policies. All in all, alcohol policies in the Nordic countries are more liberal in 2013 than they were in 1994. Norway, being outside the EU has, however, managed to maintain a stricter alcohol policy than Finland and Sweden. Norway has also been spared from several EU directives that have affected Finland and Sweden, the most remarkable being the abolishment of the travellers’ import quotas for alcohol within the EU. Due to its position as a non-EU country Norway has been able to maintain high alcohol taxes without being subjected to a ”race to the bottom” regarding alcohol taxes the same way as Finland and Sweden. Finland distinguishes as the country that has liberalised its alcohol policy most during the study period. The changes in alcohol policies were not only induced by Europeanisation and the Single Market, but also by autonomous decision-making and political processes in the individual countries. Furthermore, the study shows that alcohol policy measures are implemented more widely in Europe than before and that there is a slow process of convergence going on regarding alcohol policy in Europe. Despite this, alcohol policies in the Nordic countries are still by far the strictest in all of Europe. From a Europeanisation perspective, the Nordic countries were clearly on the receiving end during the first two study phases (1994–2007), having more to adjust to rules from the EU and the Single Market than having success in uploading and shaping alcohol policy on the European and international field. During the third and final study phase (2008–2013), however, the Nordic countries have increasingly succeeded in contributing to shape the alcohol policy arena in the EU and also more widely through the WHOs global alcohol strategy. The restrictive Nordic policy tradition on which the current alcohol policies in Finland, Sweden and Norway were built on has still quite a solid evidence base. Although the basis of the restrictive alcohol policy has crumbled somewhat during the past twenty years and the policies have become less effective, nothing prevents it from being the base for alcohol policy in the Nordic countries even in the long term. In the future, all that is needed for an effective and successful alcohol policy is a solid evidence base, enough political will and support from the general public.

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Kartta kuuluu A. E. Nordenskiöldin kokoelmaan

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That English is the lingua franca of today's science is an indisputable fact. Publication in English in international journals is a pre-requisite for a research paper to gain visibility in academia. However, English proficiency appears to be taken for granted in the scientific community, though this language can be a hurdle for a number of authors, particularly from non-native English-speaking countries. The influence of English proficiency on the publication output of Brazilian authors has never been assessed. We report our preliminary data on the relationship between the English proficiency of 51,223 researchers registered in the CNPq database and their publication output in international journals. We have found that publication rates are higher for those authors with good command of English, particularly written English. Although our research is still underway and our results are preliminary, they suggest that the correlation between written English proficiency and research productivity should not be underestimated. We also present the comments of some Brazilian scientists with high publication records on the relevance of communication skills to the scientific enterprise.

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This paper examines how exchange rate policies and IMF Stand-By Arrangements affect debt crises using econometrics and a comparison between Argentina and Brazil. It refines an existing diagram outlining crisis development to propose crisis prevention strategies. Flexible exchange rate policies reduce a country's probability of default by over 4%, but Stand-By Arrangements increase it by an inconsequential percentage. Unlike Argentina, Brazil avoided a default via a freely-floating exchange rate system, fiscal deficit reduction, and a cooperative and coordinated relationship with the IMF. The results provide policymakers from developing countries with lessons to manage their countries' default risks more effectively.

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The second phase of Import Substituting Industrialization, commonly known as ISI2, involved the move in Latin America to "heavy" industrialization, from around 1950-80. This period of economic history has been reviled on both the Left and the Right as being one of either heightened dependency or one demonstrating the clear failure of state intervention in the economy. In this research note, a basic statistical analysis is used to back up other descriptive claims that the ISI2 period was rather one of mixed success, with macroeconomic volatility accompanying great progress in GDP and manufacturing growth. In a sense, the ISI2 period succeeded in industrializing the large economies of the period, and contrasts favorably with the record of the succeeding paradigm of neoliberalism. This research note seeks to raise questions about the way we look at the historical period of ISI2, and suggests that a more open-minded perspective could lead to a more effective and sustainable political economy paradigm for the region in the future.

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The authors of this paper assert that the paralysis of the state generated by the crises of the 1970s and 1980s deprived the economies of the region of an important lever to resume and sustain growth. They thus maintain that to overcome stagnation it will be necessary to reconstruct the state's capacity to implement pro-growth policies. Following Keynes and Kalecki's ideas, but also classical development economists, the authors argue, first, that short-term macroeconomic policies, to reduce unemployment and to increase the degree of capacity utilization, should be used to promote the generation of profits to firms and to wake up entrepreneurs' animal spirits. Short-term expansionary policies should be coupled with measures to improve competitiveness and avoid balance of payments problems. They also claim that alternatives to the liberal programme will fail unless a pro-growth strategy is adopted which includes both short- and long-term policies. They thus propose that long-term policies must complete the package, signaling: a) sustained increases of effective demand in the future; and b) investment priorities to ensure that capacities will be created in strategic sectors and branches of the economy.

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The global economic crisis has created an opportunity to rethink macroeconomics for development. Such rethinking is both necessary and desirable. It is essential to redefine macroeconomic objectives so that the emphasis is on fostering employment creation and supporting economic growth instead of the focus on price stability alone. It is just as important to rethink macroeconomic policies which cannot simply be used for the management of inflation and the elimination of macroeconomic imbalances, since fiscal and monetary policies are powerful and versatile instruments in the pursuit of development objectives. In doing so, it is essential to the overcome the constraints embedded in orthodox economic thinking and recognize the constraints implicit in the politics of ideology and interests.

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This article deals with the conditioned income-transfer developed by the governments of Lula and Dilma, in the Brazilian case, and by Cristina Fernández de Kirchner, in Argentina. In other words, the programs Bolsa Família and "Asignación Universal por Hijo para Protección Social". They are comparatively analyzed with regard to their institutionality, the access criteria, the conditionings and the concept of poverty, in order to discuss whether they constitute or not a social right and the relative importance of the amount given.

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Este artigo busca pensar os juízos estéticos da Terceira crítica de Kant, em relação aos discursos sobre a arte moderna. Propomos, de maneira didática, relacionar tais juízos kantianos à utopia da modernidade e às suas consequências (e críticas) contemporâneas. Não tencionamos, porém, fazer uma análise pormenorizada do pensamento de Kant, propriamente, mas expor as várias glosas que este recebeu, ao inaugurar um outro espaço para a Estética, principalmente no que se refere à arena comunitária na qual se agenciam os juízos e que torna possível uma arte ao mesmo tempo universal e sem regras fixas. Mais do que pensar a arte como "livre jogo", ou como "bela" e como "finalidade sem fim", pontos nodais da crítica de Kant, sem dúvida, interessa-nos investigar a perspectiva autorreflexiva que os juízos estéticos permitem. A interpretação do objeto-arte moderno não seria, em última instância, o exercício comunitário de um juízo?