Alcances y limitaciones del modelo de privatización del agua en Bolivia como política pública auspiciada desde organismos internacionales (Década 2000-2010)

Bajo la tipología de estudio de caso, la presente investigación pretende explicar la influencia ejercida desde el Banco Mundial en la configuración de políticas públicas nacionales en Bolivia para la privatización del suministro, transporte y acceso al agua potable. El objetivo general de la investigación es explicar los alcances y limitaciones del modelo de privatización del agua en Bolivia como política pública, promovido por el Banco Mundial (BM), en la primera década del siglo XXI. Sosteniendo que el modelo de privatización del BM ha sido permeado y superado por el interés nacional del pueblo boliviano en materia de acceso al agua. Finalmente, la metodología empleada será de corte cualitativa a partir del análisis de documentos oficiales, textos académicos y científicos, legislaciones y disposiciones tomadas desde el BM y desde Bolivia en lo que respecta a la privatización del agua.

Papel y empoderamiento institucional de la mujer en la organización del partido conservador colombiano 2000-2011

En el periodo que va desde el 2000 al 2011, el Partido Conservador Colombiano y el panorama político del país tuvo múltiples cambios desde el punto de vista organizacional, la gran mayoría de los presidentes de los Directorios Nacionales del Partido que asumieron durante este periodo, implementaron estrategias de reforma que específicamente en el caso de las mujeres, se refieren a la creación de la Organización Nacional de Mujeres, la inclusión de cuotas, la inclusión del voto privilegiado para las mujeres, la creación de la Secretaria de la Mujer, la creación de la figura de la Consulta Popular, entre otras, que se muestran hoy como grandes fortalezas en la organización. A pesar de esto, no se puede desconocer el conjunto de resistencias explícitas fundamentadas en el comportamiento tradicional de un partido que llevan a la constitución de instituciones no formales por costumbre y conveniencia y que han trascendido aún el día de hoy. Éstas se manifiestan durante el periodo de estudio con la inclusión del voto preferente, el clientelismo, la negativa a la consulta, el machismo, las divisiones internas por personalismos políticos y el machismo, las cuales en muchos casos han sido parte de la estructura tradicional del Partido Conservador y que aún persisten. Dichas estrategias serán definidas en este trabajo como contrareforma. En el marco de estas pujas entre reforma y contrareforma las mujeres del Partido se consolidaron y se empoderaron dentro de la organización, ellas se han beneficiado de las dos vertientes. Así como se fortalecieron con la reforma, con la contrareforma, muchas de las mujeres ingresaron al Partido para lograr sus grandes caudales electorales e incluso convertirse hoy en día en caciques. En este sentido, este trabajo va a permitir identificar cómo se ha apropiado el Partido Conservador Colombiano del tema de la mujer al interior de su organización interna, teniendo en cuenta los procesos de reforma y contrareforma desde el año 2000 hasta el año 2011.

Congress composition and electoral advantage

In 2003, an electoral reform changed the mechanism to assign seats in the Colombian Congress. I simulate the 2006 Senate elections using the previous assignment mechanism to determine which senators benefited from the reform, i.e. would have not been elected had the reform not been made. With the results of the simulation, I use a regression discontinuity design to compare the senators that would have been barely elected anyways with those who would have lost, but were near to be elected. I check the differences in the amount of law drafts presented, the attendance to voting sessions, and a discipline index for each senator as proxy of their legislative behavior. I find that the senators benefiting from the reform present a different legislative behavior during the 4-year term with respect to the senators that would have been elected anyways. Since the differential legislative behavior cannot be interpreted as being better (worse) politician, I examine if the behavioral difference gives them an electoral advantage. I find no difference in the electoral result of 2010 Senate election in terms of the probability of being (re)elected in 2010, the share of votes, the share of votes within their party list, and the concentration of their votes. Additionally, I check the probability of being investigated for links with paramilitary groups and I find no differences. The results suggest that political reforms can change the composition of governing or legislative bodies in terms of performance, but it does not necessarily translate into an electoral advantage.

O processo disciplinar no Estatuto da Ordem dos Advogados portugueses: entre a vertigem de uma estrutura acusatória e a miragem da protecção dos direitos fundamentais do advogado arguido

The exercise of disciplinary action, for the practice of misconduct by a lawyer or trainee lawyer, is the sole responsibility of the O.A., as professional body representative of their peers. The disciplinary procedure prescribed in the statute of the O.A., presents a framework for an integrated accusatory principle of research. The participation of the rapporteur of the disciplinary proceedings in the voting of the resolution imposing a disciplinary sanction is substantively unconstitutional for violating paragraph 5 of article 32nd of the Portuguese Constitution. The requirement to comply with this legislation stems, ultimately, from the similar nature of the fundamental rights of the accused lawyer or trainee lawyer to the rights, freedoms and guarantees protected in criminal proceedings.

Cheap dates and the delusion of gratification: are votes sold or traded in the EU Council of Ministers?

Each year, small Member States receive a disproportionate share of the European Union's (EU's) budget. A prominent explanation for this is that Council decision-making involves a healthy dose of vote selling, whereby large Member States offer small states generous fiscal transfers in exchange for influence over policy. But nobody has investigated whether net budget contributors actually get anything for their money. In this paper I identify the vote selling model's observable implications and find virtually no evidence consistent with Council cash-for-votes exchanges. I also show that a compromise model – the leading model of EU decision-making to date – modified to incorporate vote selling does not outperform a standard one that assumes votes are traded rather than sold. Taken together, the results suggest that Council decision-making operates with little or no vote selling, and that regardless of whatever they think they might be buying, net budget contributors get little or nothing in return for their money. These findings call for further investigation into how Member States approach the issue of fiscal transfers, and into the factors other than formal voting weight that affect the power of actors engaged in EU decision-making.

The impact of Group Intelligence software on enquiry-based learning

Despite the increasing use of groupware technologies in education, there is little evidence of their impact, especially within an enquiry-based learning (EBL) context. In this paper, we examine the use of a commercial standard Group Intelligence software called GroupSystems®ThinkTank. To date, ThinkTank has been adopted mainly in the USA and supports teams in generating ideas, categorising, prioritising, voting and multi-criteria decision-making and automatically generates a report at the end of each session. The software was used by students carrying out an EBL project, set by employers, for a full academic year. The criteria for assessing the impact of ThinkTank on student learning were those of creativity, participation, productivity, engagement and understanding. Data was collected throughout the year using a combination of interviews and questionnaires, and written feedback from employers. The overall findings show an increase in levels of productivity and creativity, evidence of a deeper understanding of their work but some variation in attitudes towards participation in the early stages of the project.

Identifying key knowledge needs for evidence-based conservation of wild insect pollinators: a collaborative cross-sectoral exercise

In response to evidence of insect pollinator declines, organisations in many sectors, including the food and farming industry, are investing in pollinator conservation. They are keen to ensure that their efforts use the best available science. We convened a group of 32 ‘conservation practitioners’ with an active interest in pollinators and 16 insect pollinator scientists. The conservation practitioners include representatives from UK industry (including retail), environmental non-government organisations and nature conservation agencies. We collaboratively developed a long list of 246 knowledge needs relating to conservation of wild insect pollinators in the UK. We refined and selected the most important knowledge needs, through a three-stage process of voting and scoring, including discussions of each need at a workshop. We present the top 35 knowledge needs as scored by conservation practitioners or scientists. We find general agreement in priorities identified by these two groups. The priority knowledge needs will structure ongoing work to make science accessible to practitioners, and help to guide future science policy and funding. Understanding the economic benefits of crop pollination, basic pollinator ecology and impacts of pesticides on wild pollinators emerge strongly as priorities, as well as a need to monitor floral resources in the landscape.

Priority research questions for the UK food system

The rise of food security up international political, societal and academic agendas has led to increasing interest in novel means of improving primary food production and reducing waste. There are however, also many ‘post-farm gate’ activities that are critical to food security, including processing, packaging, distributing, retailing, cooking and consuming. These activities all affect a range of important food security elements, notably availability, affordability and other aspects of access, nutrition and safety. Addressing the challenge of universal food security, in the context of a number of other policy goals (e.g. social, economic and environmental sustainability), is of keen interest to a range of UK stakeholders but requires an up-to-date evidence base and continuous innovation. An exercise was therefore conducted, under the auspices of the UK Global Food Security Programme, to identify priority research questions with a focus on the UK food system (though the outcomes may be broadly applicable to other developed nations). Emphasis was placed on incorporating a wide range of perspectives (‘world views’) from different stakeholder groups: policy, private sector, non-governmental organisations, advocacy groups and academia. A total of 456 individuals submitted 820 questions from which 100 were selected by a process of online voting and a three-stage workshop voting exercise. These 100 final questions were sorted into 10 themes and the ‘top’ question for each theme identified by a further voting exercise. This step also allowed four different stakeholder groups to select the top 7–8 questions from their perspectives. Results of these voting exercises are presented. It is clear from the wide range of questions prioritised in this exercise that the different stakeholder groups identified specific research needs on a range of post-farm gate activities and food security outcomes. Evidence needs related to food affordability, nutrition and food safety (all key elements of food security) featured highly in the exercise. While there were some questions relating to climate impacts on production, other important topics for food security (e.g. trade, transport, preference and cultural needs) were not viewed as strongly by the participants.

Does political proximity to the U.S. cause terror?

We analyze the impact of political proximity to the United States on the occurrence and severity of terror. Employing panel data for 116 countries over the period 1975–2001 we find that countries voting in line with the U.S. are victims of more and deadlier attacks.

How large is congressional dependence in agriculture. Bayesian inference about ‘scale’ and ‘scope’ in measuring a spatial externality

The political economy literature on agriculture emphasizes influence over political outcomes via lobbying conduits in general, political action committee contributions in particular and the pervasive view that political preferences with respect to agricultural issues are inherently geographic. In this context, ‘interdependence’ in Congressional vote behaviour manifests itself in two dimensions. One dimension is the intensity by which neighboring vote propensities influence one another and the second is the geographic extent of voter influence. We estimate these facets of dependence using data on a Congressional vote on the 2001 Farm Bill using routine Markov chain Monte Carlo procedures and Bayesian model averaging, in particular. In so doing, we develop a novel procedure to examine both the reliability and the consequences of different model representations for measuring both the ‘scale’ and the ‘scope’ of spatial (geographic) co-relations in voting behaviour.

Risk aversion, overconfidence and private information as determinants of majority thresholds

We present and experimentally test a theoretical model of majority threshold determination as a function of voters’ risk preferences. The experimental results confirm the theoretical prediction of a positive correlation between the voter's risk aversion and the corresponding preferred majority threshold. Furthermore, the experimental results show that a voter's preferred majority threshold negatively relates to the voter's confidence about how others will vote. Moreover, in a treatment in which individuals receive a private signal about others’ voting behaviour, the confidence-related motivation of behaviour loses ground to the signal's strength.

A Genetic Algorithm for the selection of structural MRI features for classification of Mild Cognitive Impairment and Alzheimer's Disease

This work investigates the problem of feature selection in neuroimaging features from structural MRI brain images for the classification of subjects as healthy controls, suffering from Mild Cognitive Impairment or Alzheimer’s Disease. A Genetic Algorithm wrapper method for feature selection is adopted in conjunction with a Support Vector Machine classifier. In very large feature sets, feature selection is found to be redundant as the accuracy is often worsened when compared to an Support Vector Machine with no feature selection. However, when just the hippocampal subfields are used, feature selection shows a significant improvement of the classification accuracy. Three-class Support Vector Machines and two-class Support Vector Machines combined with weighted voting are also compared with the former and found more useful. The highest accuracy achieved at classifying the test data was 65.5% using a genetic algorithm for feature selection with a three-class Support Vector Machine classifier.

Opinion dynamics of learning agents: does seeking consensus lead to disagreement?

We study opinion dynamics in a population of interacting adaptive agents voting on a set of issues represented by vectors. We consider agents who can classify issues into one of two categories and can arrive at their opinions using an adaptive algorithm. Adaptation comes from learning and the information for the learning process comes from interacting with other neighboring agents and trying to change the internal state in order to concur with their opinions. The change in the internal state is driven by the information contained in the issue and in the opinion of the other agent. We present results in a simple yet rich context where each agent uses a Boolean perceptron to state their opinion. If the update occurs with information asynchronously exchanged among pairs of agents, then the typical case, if the number of issues is kept small, is the evolution into a society torn by the emergence of factions with extreme opposite beliefs. This occurs even when seeking consensus with agents with opposite opinions. If the number of issues is large, the dynamics becomes trapped, the society does not evolve into factions and a distribution of moderate opinions is observed. The synchronous case is technically simpler and is studied by formulating the problem in terms of differential equations that describe the evolution of order parameters that measure the consensus between pairs of agents. We show that for a large number of issues and unidirectional information flow, global consensus is a fixed point; however, the approach to this consensus is glassy for large societies.

A complex network approach to text summarization

Automatic summarization of texts is now crucial for several information retrieval tasks owing to the huge amount of information available in digital media, which has increased the demand for simple, language-independent extractive summarization strategies. In this paper, we employ concepts and metrics of complex networks to select sentences for an extractive summary. The graph or network representing one piece of text consists of nodes corresponding to sentences, while edges connect sentences that share common meaningful nouns. Because various metrics could be used, we developed a set of 14 summarizers, generically referred to as CN-Summ, employing network concepts such as node degree, length of shortest paths, d-rings and k-cores. An additional summarizer was created which selects the highest ranked sentences in the 14 systems, as in a voting system. When applied to a corpus of Brazilian Portuguese texts, some CN-Summ versions performed better than summarizers that do not employ deep linguistic knowledge, with results comparable to state-of-the-art summarizers based on expensive linguistic resources. The use of complex networks to represent texts appears therefore as suitable for automatic summarization, consistent with the belief that the metrics of such networks may capture important text features. (c) 2008 Elsevier Inc. All rights reserved.

Candidate Quality and Voter Response in U.S. House Elections

We propose and test the implications of a two-dimensional concept of candidate quality in U.S. House elections. Strategic quality is composed of the skills and resources necessary to wage an effective campaign; personal quality is composed of the characteristics most ordinary citizens value in their leaders and representatives, such as personal integrity and dedication to public service. We employ district informants in studies of the 1998 and 2002 congressional elections to measure these qualities in candidates, and we merge mass survey data with the district informant indicators to assess constituents’ awareness and evaluation of House candidates, and voting choice. We find that awareness tends to be responsive to candidates’ strategic quality, and that incumbent evaluation is remarkably responsive to variation in personal quality, even taking into account the quality of challenger emergence. These and other findings appear to support a more positive view of citizen capacity than is common in the congressional elections literature, especially in light of the electoral security of House incumbents.