A INTERPRETAÇÃO DA SIMBÓLICA DA QUEDA EM PAUL TILLICH:Um Estudo em Hermenêutica Teológica

A Dissertação busca compreender e julgar criticamente a hermenêutica teológica de Paul Tillich, a partir do estudo de sua interpretação simbólica da doutrina cristã clássica do pecado, em sua forma protestante-agostiniana. O trabalho se desenvolve em três etapas: primeiramente é apresentada a teoria do símbolo religioso de Paul Tillich. Em seguida, a sua interpretação da doutrina do pecado, presente no complexo de símbolos míticos e conceptuais que foram reunidos sob o nome simbólica da Queda . Na terceira e última parte, a partir de uma avaliação da prática hermenêutica de Tillich seguida de uma discussão com seus críticos, especialmente William Alston e Reinhold Niebuhr, e de um diálogo especial com Paul Ricoeur, o autor conclui: tanto a teoria do símbolo de Tillich como o seu enfoque hermenêutico, que vai principalmente da analítica existencial ao símbolo, necessitam de aperfeiçoamento; e a teoria simbólica de Ricoeur, associada à sua proposta indutiva de reflexão hermenêutica fornece uma importante contribuição. Ao mesmo tempo, o sucesso de Tillich na interpretação da simbólica da Queda parece refutar a tese de Ricoeur de que uma abordagem que parte da ontologia para o símbolo é inadequada por princípio. Conclui-se, portanto, que a abordagem de Tillich é válida, mas que precisa ser complementada; é necessário pensaruma hermenêutica de mão dupla , que dê igual voz aos símbolos religiosos e à ontologia existencial.(AU)

COMENSALIDADE E ASCESE: CONFLITOS DE PROJETOS MESSIÂNICOS A PARTIR DE LC 7,31-35

Comer ou não comer? Beber ou não beber? O que, com quem, quando, onde e como? Estas são questões que acompanham a história da humanidade, inclusive foram muito significativas no contexto cultural dos povos do mediterrâneo do século I d. C. Dize-me o que comes e dir-te-ei quem és , somado a Dize-me com quem comes , sintetizam todo o conteúdo simbólico e cultural (social, econômico, político, religioso) ligado à alimentação e seu compartilhamento. Tem um demônio , enquanto acusação feita a João Batista; Veja! Um comilão e beberrão, amigo de cobradores de impostos e pecadores como pecha atribuída a Jesus: a comensalidade de Jesus, em divergência com a ascese de João Batista e com os modelos daquela geração evidenciam um conflito de concepções sociais e religiosas distintas. Para Jesus e seus seguidores, taumaturgos itinerantes, os binômios milagre/mesa e cura/refeição, são espaços propícios para fazer acontecer os mecanismos do dom: dar, receber e retribuir.(AU)

O CONSUMISMO E A DIMENSÃO ESPIRITUAL DAS MARCAS: UMA ANÁLISE CRÍTICA

Esta tese objetiva comprovar que, na sociedade de consumo, indivíduos consumistas transcendem sua relação funcional com as mercadorias, buscando nas marcas de prestígio uma dimensão espiritual, que substitui ou complementa as experiências religiosas tradicionais, e que se revela fetichizada. O consumismo é superlativo de compras, posses e uso, uma dependência de bens não essenciais (supérfluos) para atender aos desejos sem fim. É impossível satisfazer a desejos sem fim: daí a expressão meta transcendental do consumo, posicionada além do alcance e da capacidade de atingi-la. A dimensão transcendente do consumo, por meio do simbolismo das mercadorias potencializado pelas marcas de prestígio, propicia encantamento e sentido ao indivíduo, e se presta a preencher o espaço outrora ocupado pela família, Igreja e comunidade. O sujeito busca, na mercadoria fetichizada pela marca, satisfazer seu desejo mimético, e/ou compensar valores frágeis ou ausentes, o que é reforçado pela propaganda. O sentido último da vida dos indivíduos materialistas produz efeitos imediatos que são positivos para eles e para a economia, mas potencialmente negativos mais à frente para o planeta, para sociedade e para os indivíduos.

COMUNICAÇÃO E MEIO AMBIENTE NO FORTALECIMENTO DA MARCA

Esta dissertação visa ampliar a discussão sobre comunicação e meio ambiente no fortalecimento de marcas e na consolidação da boa imagem das corporações. O estudo foi feito por meio de pesquisas qualitativas com algumas das mais importantes empresas em atividade no Brasil, representantes de segmentos emblemáticos, e que demonstraram já se utilizar não apenas dos apoios à preservação da natureza, mas, de uma maneira mais ampla, do cumprimento da responsabilidade social para ganharem credibilidade perante o consumidor e a sociedade, num exercício de transcendência simbólica em que não há culpados. A mudança de foco ocorrida na década de 1980, quando as companhias decidiram fortalecer suas marcas, e não mais a produção de bens, mostrou-se, do ponto de vista das corporações, ser uma alternativa muito interessante para elevar ganhos. Essa estratégia fez com que as empresas associassem suas marcas às boas ações socioambientais, o que tem gerado algumas melhorias e sinalizado que esta postura já é um diferencial de mercado. Mesmo assim, acima de todo simbolismo planejado e da força do capital, ainda está a ira da natureza devastando cidades, num exercício forçado de conscientização que deverá ditar relações mais humana s e transparentes em futuro próximo.

Comunicação e meio ambiente no fortalecimento da marca

Esta dissertação visa ampliar a discussão sobre comunicação e meio ambiente no fortalecimento de marcas e na consolidação da boa imagem das corporações. O estudo foi feito por meio de pesquisas qualitativas com algumas das mais importantes empresas em atividade no Brasil, representantes de segmentos emblemáticos, e que demonstraram já se utilizar não apenas dos apoios à preservação da natureza, mas, de uma maneira mais ampla, do cumprimento da responsabilidade social para ganharem credibilidade perante o consumidor e a sociedade, num exercício de transcendência simbólica em que não há culpados. A mudança de foco ocorrida na década de 1980, quando as companhias decidiram fortalecer suas marcas, e não mais a produção de bens, mostrou-se, do ponto de vista das corporações, ser uma alternativa muito interessante para elevar ganhos...(AU)

Protocol, image, and discourse in political leadership competition:the case of Prime Minister Lionel Jospin, 1997-2002

This article examines the relationship between Prime Minister Jospin and President Chirac in the period 1997 to 2002. It is concerned in particular with symbolism, discourse and protocol, and how these have mediated the political competition between Chirac and Jospin. We develop a framework of analysis with several main strands. We consider the effects of the institutions of the Fifth Republic upon the political conduct of Prime Minister and President. We observe the perceived character traits of the individuals concerned, as well as the character traits expected of the offices of President and Prime Minister. We investigate the influence of the past upon the behaviour of Chirac and Jospin in the present, both in terms of notions of regime crisis which configured the institutions in the first place, and in relation to the image of previous holders of the offices (especially Charles de Gaulle and Franois Mitterrand).

A sociological analysis of four police consultative committees in Birmingham

Consultation between the police and the community was a recommendation of Lord Scarman in his report into the Brixton riots in 1981. By 1982 the West Midlands Police Authority had established local consultative committees on each police sub-division. This thesis is a study of four Police Consultative Committees in Birmingham, using qualitative methods of attendance at committee meetings and interviews with committee members. The research was carried out between 1990 and 1992 - ten years after formal consultation was established, and aimed to examine the relationship between the micro social processes of the committees and key sociological theoretical concepts. The analysis of the four committees contextualises them within the social and political parameters of urban policing in the late 1980s. Each committee is taken as a case study to highlight the following aspects of consultation:- relations between the police and black communities; membership, representation and accountability; responding to community conflict; crime prevention agencies and networks of social control. The findings are then generalised to the sociological theoretical concepts of hegemony, legitimation, community conflict and social control. The central proposition of this thesis is that, whilst these committees are not fulfilling the role Lord Scarman envisaged for them (of involving local community representatives in policing strategies and policies), they do have important policing and political roles. It is argued that they offer a platform from which senior police officers can engage local people into supporting policing objectives without actually involving them in determining those objectives. Furthermore, such committees have political symbolism in that they enable the government to be seen to be responding to the issues of accountability and relations between the police and black communities following the urban disorders, without actually devolving any statutory powers to the community.

Analysing organisational culture : a critical ethnography of public relations and personnel specialists in a state bureaucracy

Following an introductory chapter, I examine (i) typologies which have differentiated the literature on organisational culture and symbolism (Chapter 2), (ii) the contribution of organisation theory to organisation culture (Chapter 3), and (iii) recent literature on organisational culture and symbolism (Chapter 4). Within these chapters, I adopt Habermas' (1972) notion of knowledge-constitutive interests, assessing the contrubutions to understanding organisational culture made by literature guided by technical, practical and emancipatory cognitive interests. In doing so, I suggest that more critical studies on organisational culture and symbolism have been comparatively neglected. Lamenting this neglect, I suggest that Giddens' theory of structuration can be employed to advance the development of a critical, emancipatory conceptualisation of organisational culture. In particular, I argue that this Giddensian analysis, by penetrating the existential, poltical and material processes of cultural reproduction (Chapter 5), is able to disclose some of the more contradictory features of organisation culture. The remainder of the thesis comprises of a critical ethnography of the work cultures of public relations and personnel specialists located in a state bureaucracy. I begin the ethnography with a dicussion of my research methods (Chapter 6) and an overview of the departments studied (Chapter 7): I then examine (i) the work cultures of the specialists (Chapter 8), (ii) the specialists' management of the relationships with the hosts bureaucracy (Chapter 9); and, (iii) opportunities the specialists had for developing an emancipatory praxis (Chapter 10). Finally, in a concluding section, I offer some critical reflections on the contributions of the thesis and suggest areas for future research.

Square and compass: Freemasonry's tools for constructing a global civil society

The concept of a global civil society is gaining greater acceptance among International Relations (IR) scholars, yet few studies exist that look at the role of fraternal organizations and their influence in constructing this realm. Freemasonry, one of the oldest fraternal orders, exerts a powerful influence on its membership through its symbolism, architecture and ritual, based on the tenets of mutual respect and tolerance towards all human beings. Such principles helped in creating a body of practices and institutions as early as the eighteenth century which two hundred years later were identified and conceptualized as global civil society. ^ The allegations of anti-Masons and conspiracy theorists offer a continuous account of Masonry's influence on the political scene since its modern founding in 1717 Great Britain. Conspiracy theorists portray the coming of a New World Order, orchestrated and directed by a secret hierarchy of Masons/Illuminati. Even though the lens of conspiracy theories paints a distorted view of reality, it does focus attention to Freemasonry's activities as a major player in politics over the span of three centuries. Not only do such theories challenge the novelty of practices that make up a global civil society, but also the notion that it is an inclusive and growing sector that unites people across the globe. They also provide a valuable critique by pointing out the inconsistencies and discriminatory practices of Masonry as contrasted with the lofty ideals and aims for humanity. ^ The Masonic influence in the social world is perceived as one that reflects the liberal worldview where the nation-state and power structures are in pursuit of human progress, or profit. The symbolism of Masonry, however, carries a message that can be characterized as representing republican ideals. Masonic symbolism and ritual create spaces of meaning where the contradictions between the ideals and the structures of inequality and elitism can be resolved. Freemasonry as a symbolic system proclaiming their inherent republican values does have a global reach. However, the effectiveness of these values is bounded by the constraints that are inherent in a liberal world dominated by nation-states. ^

Turkey and neo-Ottomanism: Domestic sources, dynamics and foreign policy

This study examined the relationship between the Turkish Islamic movements and the present government of the Justice and Development Party ( Adalet ve Kalkinma Partisi, AK Party). Since the AK Party came to power in 2002 it implemented unparalleled political reforms and pursued to improve Turkey’s relations with the EU. Opponents argued that because of the dominance of the secular military in Turkish politics, the AK Party is forced to secretly advance its Islamic agenda using the language and symbolism of democracy and human rights. This study argued that the ideas of the AK Party show similarities with the “Ottomanist” thought of the late Ottoman era. With special reference to the preservation of the Ottoman State, Ottomanism in an eclectic way was able to incorporate Islamic principles like freedom, justice and consultation into the political arena which was increasingly dominated by the secular European concepts. Literature on Islam and politics in Turkey, however, disregards the Ottoman roots of freedom and pluralism and tends to reduce the relationship between religion and state into exclusively confrontational struggles. This conceptualization of the political process relies on particular non-Turkish Muslim experiences which do not necessarily represent Islam’s venture in Turkey. Contrary to the prevailing scholarship, Islamic movements in Turkey, namely, Naqshbandi, National View and Nur, which are discussed in detail in this study, are not monolithic. They all uphold the same creedal tenets of Islam but they have sharp differences in terms of how they conceptualize the role of religious agency in politics. I argue that this diversity is a result of three distinct methodologies of Islamic religious life which are the Tariqah (Tarikat ), Shariah (Şeriat), and Haqiqah ( Hakikat). The differences between these three approaches represent a typological hierarchy in the formation of the Muslim/believer as an agent of Islamic identity. Through these different if not conflicting modes, the AK Party reconnected itself with Turkey’s Ottoman heritage in a post-Ottoman, secular setting and was able to develop an eclectic political identity of Neo-Ottomanism that is evident in the flexibility if not inconsistency of its domestic and foreign policy preferences.

The Re-Emergence of Suriname’s Désiré (Desi) Bouterse: Political Acumen and Geopolitical Anxiety

This study examines some concerns that derive from Suriname‘s May-July 2010 elections, which resulted in the re-emergence of erstwhile military ruler and convicted drug trafficker, Désiré (Desi) Bouterse, as President of the Republic. The victory reflects Bouterse‘s political acumen in aggregating disparate political interests and in establishing a viable coalition government. But because of his history and profile, this triumph has generated anxiety in some places internationally. In this respect, the study examines anxieties related to three matters: (a) relations with Guyana, where there is an existing territorial dispute and a recently resolved maritime dispute, (b) illegal drug trafficking operations, and (c) foreign policy engagement with Venezuela. There has been a flurry of bilateral activities—including several presidential summits—with Guyana since President Bouterse‘s inauguration, albeit seemingly more about symbolism than substance. Although the maritime dispute was settled by a Tribunal of the United Nations Convention of the Law of the Sea in 2007, the 15,000 km2 New River Triangle is still unresolved. Indeed, in June 2011 President Bouterse reasserted Suriname‘s claim to the Triangle. Suriname has upped the ante in that dispute by portraying internationally the map of Suriname as inclusive of the disputed area. In all likelihood that self-redefinition slowly will become the country‘s cartographic definition in the eyes of the world if Guyana does not successfully rebuff that move or pursue the definitive settlement of the dispute. A geonarcotics assessment shows Suriname to be still heavily implicated in trafficking, because of geography, law enforcement limitations, corruption, and other factors. But despite Bouterse‘s drug-related history and that of former senior military officers, several reasons suggest the inexpediency of a narco-state being created by Bouterse. As well, as part of Suriname‘s pursuit of increased Caribbean and South American engagement, it has boosted relations with Venezuela, which has included it in PetroCaribe and provided housing and agricultural aid. However, the engagement appears to be driven more by pragmatism and less by any ideological affinity with Hugo Chavez.

Turkey and Neo-Ottomanism: Domestic Sources, Dynamics and Foreign Policy

This study examined the relationship between the Turkish Islamic movements and the present government of the Justice and Development Party (Adalet ve Kalkinma Partisi, AK Party). Since the AK Party came to power in 2002 it implemented unparalleled political reforms and pursued to improve Turkey’s relations with the EU. Opponents argued that because of the dominance of the secular military in Turkish politics, the AK Party is forced to secretly advance its Islamic agenda using the language and symbolism of democracy and human rights. This study argued that the ideas of the AK Party show similarities with the “Ottomanist” thought of the late Ottoman era. With special reference to the preservation of the Ottoman State, Ottomanism in an eclectic way was able to incorporate Islamic principles like freedom, justice and consultation into the political arena which was increasingly dominated by the secular European concepts. Literature on Islam and politics in Turkey, however, disregards the Ottoman roots of freedom and pluralism and tends to reduce the relationship between religion and state into exclusively confrontational struggles. This conceptualization of the political process relies on particular non-Turkish Muslim experiences which do not necessarily represent Islam’s venture in Turkey. Contrary to the prevailing scholarship, Islamic movements in Turkey, namely, Naqshbandi, National View and Nur, which are discussed in detail in this study, are not monolithic. They all uphold the same creedal tenets of Islam but they have sharp differences in terms of how they conceptualize the role of religious agency in politics. I argue that this diversity is a result of three distinct methodologies of Islamic religious life which are the Tariqah (Tarikat), Shariah (Şeriat), and Haqiqah (Hakikat). The differences between these three approaches represent a typological hierarchy in the formation of the Muslim/believer as an agent of Islamic identity. Through these different if not conflicting modes, the AK Party reconnected itself with Turkey’s Ottoman heritage in a post-Ottoman, secular setting and was able to develop an eclectic political identity of Neo-Ottomanism that is evident in the flexibility if not inconsistency of its domestic and foreign policy preferences.

Gnosticism, Transformation, and the Role of the Feminine in the Gnostic Mass of the Ecclesia Gnostica Catholica (E.G.C.)

The Gnostic Mass of the Ecclesia Gnostica Catholica (E.G.C.) suggests a heterosexual gender binary in which the female Priestess seated on the altar as the sexual and fertile image of the divine feminine is directed by the male Priest’s activity, desire and speech. The apparent contradiction between the empowered individual and the polarized gender role was examined by comparing the ritual symbolism of the feminine with the interpretations of four Priestesses and three Priests (three pairs plus one). Findings suggest that the Priestess’ role in the Gnostic Mass is associated with channeling, receptivity, womb, cup, and fertility, while the Priest’s role is associated with enthusiasm, activity, phallus, lance, and virility. Despite this strong gender duality, the Priestesses asserted that their role was personally and spiritually empowering, and they maintained heterosexual and polarized gendered roles are necessary in a transformative ritual which ultimately reveals the godlike unified individual.