Corpo e sexualidade na gravidez

Estudo etnográfico que teve como objetivo compreender como as gestantes vivenciam os processos fisiológicos do seu corpo durante a gestação e a sua repercussão na sexualidade. A pesquisa envolveu sete mulheres residentes em bairro popular de São Paulo. Na coleta de dados, utilizou-se observação participante e entrevista com questões norteadoras. Os dados foram apresentados na forma de narrativa e posteriormente organizados nas categorias: Percebendo as transformações corporais; Convivendo com as mudanças no corpo; Sentimentos e sensações na vida sexual durante a gestação e imaginando o corpo e a sexualidade após a gestação. As mulheres referiram-se às transformações do corpo como desconfortos e expressaram a preocupação de que fossem definitivas. Expressaram o desejo de que, após o parto, o corpo volte a ser como era e que volte a sentir desejo sexual. O reconhecimento destes fatos constitui-se numa ferramenta primordial na adequação das práticas profissionais.

Reproductive phenology of three species of Gelidiales (Rhodophyta) in two macroalgal communities from Tenerife (Atlantic Ocean, Canary Islands, Spain)

[EN] The reproductive phenology of three species of Gelidiales, Gelidium canariense, Gelidium arbuscula and Pterocladiella capillacea, was analysed seasonally for a period of one year in two localities on the West coast of Tenerife Atlantic Ocean, Canary Islands, Spain. Considerations are provided on sex ratio, maximum length and branch order of uprights and on the length of the thalli for each sexual and asexual phase of the Canary Islands populations. The three species were characterized by a high percentage of tetrasporophytes, while female and male gametophytes have been observed only in little proportion. Only G. canariense showed gametophytes in all seasons while the occurrence of gametophytes in G. arbuscula and Pterocladiella capillacea demonstrated a clear seasonality.

The Constitutional-Judicial Control of the Legislative and Executive Powers in Central and Eastern European Countries

This project looked at the nature, contents, methods, means and legal and political effects of the influence that constitutional courts exercise upon the legislative and executive powers in the newly established democracies of Central and Eastern Europe. The basic hypothesis was that these courts work to provide a limitation of political power within the framework of the principal constitutional values and that they force the legislature and executive to exercise their powers and duties in strict accordance with the constitution. Following a study of the documentary sources, including primarily the relevant constitutional and statutory provisions and decisions of constitutional courts, Mr. Cvetkovski prepared a questionnaire on various aspects of the topics researched and sent it to the respective constitutional courts. A series of direct interviews with court officials in six of the ten countries then served to clarify a large number of questions relating to differences in procedures etc. that arose from the questionnaires. As a final stage, the findings were compared with those described in recent publications on constitutional control in general and in Central and Eastern Europe in particular. The study began by considering the constitutional and political environment of the constitutional courts' activities in controlling legislative and executive powers, which in all countries studied are based on the principles of the rule of law and the separation of powers. All courts are separate bodies with special status in terms of constitutional law and are independent of other political and judicial institutions. The range of matters within their jurisdiction is set by the constitution of the country in question but in all cases can be exercised only with the framework of procedural rules. This gives considerable significance to the question of who sets these rules and different countries have dealt with it in different ways. In some there is a special constitutional law with the same legal force as the constitution itself (Croatia), the majority of countries allow for regulation by an ordinary law, Macedonia gives the court the autonomy to create and change its own rules of procedure, while in Hungary the parliament fixes the rules on procedure at the suggestion of the constitutional court. The question of the appointment of constitutional judges was also considered and of the mechanisms for ensuring their impartiality and immunity. In the area of the courts' scope for providing normative control, considerable differences were found between the different countries. In some cases the courts' jurisdiction is limited to the normative acts of the respective parliaments, and there is generally no provision for challenging unconstitutional omissions by legislation and the executive. There are, however, some situations in which they may indirectly evaluate the constitutionality of legislative omissions, as when the constitution contains provision for a time limit on enacting legislation, when the parliament has made an omission in drafting a law which violates the constitutional provisions, or when a law grants favours to certain groups while excluding others, thereby violating the equal protection clause of the constitution. The control of constitutionality of normative acts can be either preventive or repressive, depending on whether it is implemented before or after the promulgation of the law or other enactment being challenged. In most countries in the region the constitutional courts provide only repressive control, although in Hungary and Poland the courts are competent to perform both preventive and repressive norm control, while in Romania the court's jurisdiction is limited to preventive norm control. Most countries are wary of vesting constitutional courts with preventive norm control because of the danger of their becoming too involved in the day-to-day political debate, but Mr. Cvetkovski points out certain advantages of such control. If combined with a short time limit it can provide early clarification of a constitutional issue, secondly it avoids the problems arising if a law that has been in force for some years is declared to be unconstitutional, and thirdly it may help preserve the prestige of the legislation. Its disadvantages include the difficulty of ascertaining the actual and potential consequences of a norm without the empirical experience of the administration and enforcement of the law, the desirability of a certain distance from the day-to-day arguments surrounding the political process of legislation, the possible effects of changing social and economic conditions, and the danger of placing obstacles in the way of rapid reactions to acute situations. In the case of repressive norm control, this can be either abstract or concrete. The former is initiated by the supreme state organs in order to protect abstract constitutional order and the latter is initiated by ordinary courts, administrative authorities or by individuals. Constitutional courts cannot directly oblige the legislature and executive to pass a new law and this remains a matter of legislative and executive political responsibility. In the case of Poland, the parliament even has the power to dismiss a constitutional court decision by a special majority of votes, which means that the last word lies with the legislature. As the current constitutions of Central and Eastern European countries are newly adopted and differ significantly from the previous ones, the courts' interpretative functions should ensure a degree of unification in the application of the constitution. Some countries (Bulgaria, Hungary, Poland, Slovakia and Russia) provide for the constitutional courts' decisions to have a binding role on the constitutions. While their decisions inevitably have an influence on the actions of public bodies, they do not set criteria for political behaviour, which depends rather on the overall political culture and traditions of the society. All constitutions except that of Belarus, provide for the courts to have jurisdiction over conflicts arising from the distribution of responsibilities between different organs and levels in the country, as well for impeachment procedures against the head of state, and for determining the constitutionality of political parties (except in Belarus, Hungary, Russia and Slovakia). All the constitutions studied guarantee individual rights and freedoms and most courts have jurisdiction over complaints of violation of these rights by the constitution. All courts also have some jurisdiction over international agreements and treaties, either directly (Belarus, Bulgaria and Hungary) before the treaty is ratified, or indirectly (Croatia, Czech Republic, Macedonia, Romania, Russia and Yugoslavia). In each country the question of who may initiate proceedings of norm control is of central importance and is usually regulated by the constitution itself. There are three main possibilities: statutory organs, normal courts and private individuals and the limitations on each of these is discussed in the report. Most courts are limited in their rights to institute ex officio a full-scale review of a point of law, and such rights as they do have rarely been used. In most countries courts' decisions do not have any binding force but must be approved by parliament or impose on parliament the obligation to bring the relevant law into conformity within a certain period. As a result, the courts' position is generally weaker than in other countries in Europe, with parliament remaining the supreme body. In the case of preventive norm control a finding of unconstitutionality may act to suspend the law and or to refer it back to the legislature, where in countries such as Romania it may even be overturned by a two-thirds majority. In repressive norm control a finding of unconstitutionality generally serves to take the relevant law out of legal force from the day of publication of the decision or from another date fixed by the court. If the law is annulled retrospectively this may or may not bring decisions of criminal courts under review, depending on the provisions laid down in the relevant constitution. In cases relating to conflicts of competencies the courts' decisions tend to be declaratory and so have a binding effect inter partes. In the case of a review of an individual act, decisions generally become effective primarily inter partes but is the individual act has been based on an unconstitutional generally binding normative act of the legislature or executive, the findings has quasi-legal effect as it automatically initiates special proceedings in which the law or other regulation is to be annulled or abrogated with effect erga omnes. This wards off further application of the law and thus further violations of individual constitutional rights, but also discourages further constitutional complaints against the same law. Thus the success of one individual's complaint extends to everyone else whose rights have equally been or might have been violated by the respective law. As the body whose act is repealed is obliged to adopt another act and in doing so is bound by the legal position of the constitutional court on the violation of constitutionally guaranteed freedoms and rights of the complainant, in this situation the decision of the constitutional court has the force of a precedent.

Between Equity and Empathy: Social Professions and the New Accountability

This article explores the practical and ethical implications of the ‘new accountability’ (working to procedures, targets and standards) based on interviews with British social professionals. Although similar tendencies are present in other European countries, in Britain the rule-bound nature of social work is more intense. Practitioners who regard the ‘new accountability’ positively justify their views with reference to utilitarian and rights-based arguments relating to the promotion of good outcomes, the achievement of equity, respecting the consumer rights of service users and the rights of other stakeholders to information and value for money. Those practitioners who view the new accountability requirements negatively seem to speak in a different ‘moral voice’, which can be linked to more personal and situated approaches to ethics, stressing the importance of particular relationships in context, trust, sensitivity and a sense of ‘vocation’. Both ‘voices’ are part of professional practice, but the new accountability stresses the former at the expense of the latter. For social work to play the critical role identified by Walter Lorenz, maintaining a creative balance between equity and empathy will be important.

Access for All? The promise and problems of universalism.

In what follows, I explore why the question of ‘access for all’ is both important and difficult. Beginning by treating it as a contested claim, I will consider some of its political, institutional and professional implications. What do I mean by saying that access for all is a contested claim? First of all, it is a claim – a demand that access for all needs to be created. It is a claim about change. To demand ‘access for all’ is to speak about, and speak against, social conditions that are unjust, unequal or excluding. At its simplest, then, to claim ‘access for all’ is to address social arrangements in which all people do not have access. Secondly, it is a claim made by – or on behalf of – specific social groups against their experience of exclusion, marginalization or subordination. I have added these other terms because I think that ‘exclusion’ is too simple, and too problematic, a term to capture all the aspects of unjust social arrangements that produce claims for ‘access’.1 Access is a demand to be treated equitably in relation to a range of valued social resources, conditions and relationships. It is a claim to be a member: of the society, the polity or the nation. It is a claim to be a citizen: to possess rights and the capacity to make legitimate demands on the state. It is a claim on the apparatuses and agencies that sustain social citizenship: citizenship brings with it access to benefits, services and rights of ‘fair dealing’ or ‘fair treatment’. As this last point suggests, it is a claim about equality: the expectation that all citizens will be dealt with by public agencies in ways that are not discriminatory or oppressive.

Orphanhood, Poverty and the Care Dilemma: Review of Global Policy Trends

The care and protection of children experiencing orphanhood presents a major child-care policy challenge. This paper draws on a review of the literature to document divergent conceptualizations of orphanhood, how the hurdles for the care of orphans reflect wider issues of poverty and inequality, as well as the ways in which different care interventions (familial, institutional, community-based and rights-based) might be appropriated for children in need. It is argued that the map of contemporary orphanhood overlaps with the contours of global poverty, inequality, age-based deprivations and marginalization. An example of a ‘globalised’ model of orphan care, namely SOS Children’s Villages, is presented and its implications for policy are examined. The paper highlights the significance of fighting poverty and enhancing the care-giving capabilities of extended families in the care and protection of children from a rights-based perspective. It suggests that external interventions should primarily address the structural causes of poverty and marginality, rather than amplifying inequalities through the selective support of orphans in economically vulnerable communities.

Predicting childhood sexual or physical abuse: a logistic regression geo-mapping approach to prevention.

This study investigates the degree to which gender, ethnicity, relationship to perpetrator, and geomapped socio-economic factors significantly predict the incidence of childhood sexual abuse, physical abuse and non- abuse. These variables are then linked to geographic identifiers using geographic information system (GIS) technology to develop a geo-mapping framework for child sexual and physical abuse prevention.

Regional Trade Agreements and domestic labour market regulation

This chapter discusses the relationship between labour market regulation and regional trade agreements from both a legal and an economic angle. We examine empirically whether regional trade liberalisation is associated with deterioration (“race to the bottom”) of domestic labour standards beyond those reflected in the 1998 ILO Declaration on the Fundamental Principles and Rights at Work. Using a panel of 90 developed and developing countries, covering the years from 1980 to 2005, we find that after the entry into force of a regional trade agreement (RTA), labour standards applying to employment protection and unemployment benefits are significantly weakened. We show that such a lowering of protection levels tends to occur in high income countries and that this effect mainly stems from RTAs among such countries rather than with low or middle income countries. Concern about competitive pressure to weaken domestic labour regulation is reflected in a variety of undertakings in RTAs not to administer labour laws with a view to improving one’s competitive position in trade or foreign direct investment (FDI). The above-mentioned empirical findings indicate that such provisions could potentially become relevant, and that this is more likely to be the case for high income members of RTAs. Our analysis, from a legal point of view, of relevant institutional and procedural mechanisms indicates however that enforceability of the relevant provisions is weak for most of the existing legal texts.

Psychosocial variables associated with sexual risk behavior among an urban seventh grade population

This dissertation examines the psychosocial factors associated with sexual risk behavior among low socio-economic, minority middle school students in a large urban school district in Houston, Texas and is presented in the form of three articles. Article One examines the association between knowledge, perceived risk of HIV/STD, and self-reported lifetime engagement in vaginal sex among seventh grade students. The purpose of Article Two is to examine the association between knowledge about condoms, condom use attitudes, perceived peer norms about condom use, condom use negotiation self-efficacy, condom use self-efficacy, condom use intentions and actual condom use among seventh grade middle school adolescents. Finally, Article Three examines the association between attitudes, perceived peer norms, refusal self-efficacy about sex, sexual and abstinence intentions among seventh grade adolescents. By providing a better understanding of factors influencing sexual intentions and sexual behaviors among this population, these articles will enable practitioners to develop effective evidence-based interventions to delay sexual initiation and prevent youth from engaging in risky sexual behaviors, including risk of HIV/STDs and unintended pregnancy.^

Is sexual intimacy among older adults positively associated with mental well-being?

Background. The elderly population aged 60 and above is increasing rapidly throughout the world. The aging process affects physical health of individuals, which in turn affects sexuality and sexual activity. However, many elderly adults continue to engage in one or more forms of sexual activities well into their 70s, 80s, and even in 90s. Despite the widespread stereotypes, misconceptions, and negative attitudes surrounding sexuality in elderly adults, it has been found to be an important aspect of the health of the elderly. However, association between the frequency of sexual activity and mental well being among older adults has not been documented in the literature. ^ Methods. To test the hypotheses that mental well being indicators such as depression, anxiety, and stress were inversely associated with greater frequency of sexual intimacy, a secondary data analysis was conducted using the National Social Life Health and Aging Project (NSHAP) using multivariate logistic regression. The NSHAP was a population-based study that was conducted on a national scale including 1455 men and 1550 women aged 57-85.^ Results. Approximately 1430 (54.1%) of the total population reported being sexually intimate in the past 12 months whereas 1481 (45.9%) participants reported that they did not perform any sexual activity in the past 12 months. In addition, approximately 895(31.1%) participants reported engaging in sexual activity ≥ 2-3 times per month with 665 (78.9%) of these participants reported performing vaginal intercourse only, 14(2.0%) oral sex only, and 89(10.5%) reported performing both vaginal intercourse and oral sex. Controlling for socio-demographic characteristics, frequently (≥2-3 times per month) sexually active participants showed lower odds ratio of depression (OR= 0.60; 95%CI = 0.46, 0.78), anxiety (OR= 0.67; 95% CI= 0.53, 0.86), and stress (OR=0.73; 95% CI = 0.6, 0.88) compared to those who had less frequent sexual activity or who had no sexual activity in the past 12 months.^ Conclusion. Lower levels of depression, anxiety, and stress appear to be associated with greater frequency of sexual activity. Public health interventions should focus on educating elderly adults about their sexual health and how to seek medical help for their sexual problems. Public health professionals should also be educated on how to best assess sexual needs of the elderly adults.^

Incidence of breast cancer in first-degree female relatives of men with newly diagnosed prostate cancer

Prostate cancer is the most common incident cancer and the second leading cause of death in men in the United States. Although numerous attempts have been made to identify risk factors associated with prostate cancer, the results have been inconsistent and conflicting. The only established risk factors are age and ethnicity. A positive family history of prostate cancer has also been shown to increase the risk two- to three-fold among close relatives.^ There are several similarities between breast and prostate cancer that make the relationship between the two of interest. (1) Histologically, both cancers are predominantly adenocarcinomas, (2) both organs have a sexual and/or reproductive role, (3) both cancers occur in hormone-responsive tissue, (4) therapy often consists of hormonal manipulation, (5) worldwide distribution patterns of prostate and breast cancer are positively correlated.^ A family history study was conducted to evaluate the aggregation of prostate cancer and co-aggregation of breast cancer in 149 patients referred to The University of Texas, M.D. Anderson Cancer Center with newly diagnosed prostate cancer. All patients were white, less than 75 years of age at diagnosis and permanent residents of the United States. Through a personal interview with the proband, family histories were collected on 1,128 first-degree relatives. Cancer diagnoses were verified through medical records or death certificate. Standardized incidence ratios were calculated using a computer program by Monson incorporating data from Connecticut Tumor Registry.^ In this study, familial aggregation of prostate cancer was verified only among the brothers, not among fathers. Although a statistically significant excess of breast cancer was not found, the increased point estimates in mothers, sisters and daughters are consistent with a co-aggregation hypothesis. Rather surprising was the finding of a seven-fold increased risk of prostate cancer and a three-fold increased risk of breast cancer among siblings in the presence of a maternal history of any cancer. Larger family history studies including high risk (African-Americans) and lower-risk groups (Hispanics) and incorporating molecular genetic evaluations should be conducted to determine if genetic differences play a role in the differential incidence rates across ethnic groups. ^

Aportes ético-políticos a la discusión sobre el Programa de Salud Reproductiva

El trabajo, elaborado en ocasión de la discusión en el seno de la Universidad Nacional de Cuyo sobre el tema de salud reproductiva, intenta realizar un aporte a tal discusión en relación con: 1. La oportunidad y conveniencia de establecer un debate de la comunidad universitaria en torno al proyecto de salud reproductiva que toca diferentes dimensiones de la vida comunitaria. 2. El concepto de vida, vida humana y vida moral. 3. La legitimidad y oportunidad de la intervención de las instituciones sociales (Estado, nacional o provincial, Universidad) en las cuestiones relacionadas con la vida.

Advance provision of emergency contraception for pregnancy prevention (Review)

Background Emergency contraception can prevent pregnancy when taken after unprotected intercourse.Obtaining emergency contraception within the recommended time frame is difficult for many women. Advance provision could circumvent some obstacles to timely use. Objectives To summarize randomized controlled trials evaluating advance provision of emergency contraception to explore effects on pregnancy rates, sexually transmitted infections, and sexual and contraceptive behaviors. Search strategy In November 2009, we searched CENTRAL, EMBASE, POPLINE,MEDLINE via PubMed, and a specialized emergency contraception article database. We also searched reference lists and contacted experts to identify additional published or unpublished trials. Selection criteria We included randomized controlled trials comparing advance provision and standard access (i.e., counseling whichmay ormay not have included information about emergency contraception, or provision of emergency contraception on request at a clinic or pharmacy). Data collection and analysis Two reviewers independently abstracted data and assessed study quality. We entered and analyzed data using RevMan 5.0.23. Main results Eleven randomized controlled trials met our criteria for inclusion, representing 7695 patients in the United States, China, India and Sweden. Advance provision did not decrease pregnancy rates (odds ratio (OR) 0.98, 95% confidence interval (CI) 0.76 to 1.25 in studies for which we included twelve-month follow-up data; OR 0.48, 95% CI 0.18 to 1.29 in a study with seven-month follow-up data; OR 0.92, 95% CI 0.70 to 1.20 in studies for which we included six-month follow-up data; OR 0.49, 95% CI 0.09 to 2.74 in a study with three-month follow-up data), despite reported increased use (single use: OR 2.47, 95% CI 1.80 to 3.40; multiple use: OR 4.13, 95% CI 1.77 to 9.63) and faster use (weighted mean difference (WMD) -12.98 hours, 95% CI -16.66 to -9.31 hours). Advance provision did not lead to increased rates of sexually transmitted infections (OR 1.01, 95% CI 0.75 to 1.37), increased frequency of unprotected intercourse, or changes in contraceptive methods.Women who received emergency contraception in advance were equally likely to use condoms as other women. Authors’ conclusions Advance provision of emergency contraception did not reduce pregnancy rates when compared to conventional provision. Results from primary analyses suggest that advance provision does not negatively impact sexual and reproductive health behaviors and outcomes. Women should have easy access to emergency contraception, because it can decrease the chance of pregnancy.However, the interventions tested thus far have not reduced overall pregnancy rates in the populations studied.

Think about it

Ipas Brazil's "Vai Pensando ai" video campaign challenges individuals' opinion about Brazil's restrictive abortion laws. Ipas works globally to increase women's ability to exercise their sexual and reproductive rights, and to reduce abortion-related deaths and injuries.