Nas trilhas da democracia: reflexões comparativas entre a Espanha e o Brasil

The article searches to launch some analyses and investigations on the historical reach of produced participative processes in Spain and Brazil. Evidently, both the processes if had uncurled in historical, social, economic contexts and distinct politicians, but, exactly thus, keep some approaches that we intend to give prominence in the present article. How much to the dismantlement of the State of social welfare, we present, still, that in the case of Spain occurred a decentralization of its formulator power to decide arrangement of public politics that started to count on the participation of social actors in the called relational city (BECERRA, 2011). In the case of Brazil, the dictatorial period (1964-1985), the fast urban growth and the generation of precarious peripheries in the main cities, the distension and the Constituent (1986-1988) had generated the enough forces of pressure so that, gradually, if it incorporated the participative arrangement in the power to decide process.

Lei de responsabilidade educacional: direito fundamental à educação, regime jurídico administrativo e responsabilização dos agentes públicos

Pós-graduação em Educação - FCT

Vozes do desterro: a Literatura de Exílio alemã em seus periódicos e na obra de Anna Seghers

Conselho Nacional de Desenvolvimento Científico e Tecnológico (CNPq)

O poeta popular Leandro Gomes de Barros e a sátira ao discurso burguês-militarista no contexto da Primeira República

Among the popular poets from the northeastern backlands who criticized the governmental measures of the republican government, the figure of Leandro Gomes de Barros has highlighted. His satire extends to the representatives of the government in the context of the First Republic, striking politicians, bachelors, priests, colonels and oligarchs. We show here the biographical traces of the poet and a stretch from my Doctoral Thesis in which Leandro satirizes the bourgeois-militarist speech from Olavo Bilac.

Relações de Gênero, memória e identidades no Brasil do século XX

Gender relationships focusing on homages to the women of Assis (a town in the center-western region of the state of São Paulo, Brazil) between 1959 and 1994, are discussed. Homages, expressed in monuments, street names, city squares, schools, libraries, Cultural Centers and other places, are based on the activities of women who benefitted the community. They feature lawyers, politicians, journalists, teachers and common citizens that exceeded their personal limitations and conquered a place acknowledged by society (politically invested) so that their names may be inscribed in the city´s public places. However, acknowledgement of female contributions in the construction of the city is not projected at the same pace or speed as that of males who compose the gallery of ‘remembered men’. This fact brings forth the following questions: If the naming of public places were for decades based on gender, what had changed by the end of the 1950s for such a redefinition? What is the true meaning of such homages? Who are these women and what do they represent?

Semana Ilustrada, o Moleque e o Dr. Semana: imprensa, cidade e humor no Rio de Janeiro do 2º Reinado

Pós-graduação em História - FCLAS

Novos rumos, velhos hábitos: debates acerca do trabalhador rural na Assembléia Nacional Constituinte Portuguesa de 1911

Pós-graduação em História - FCLAS

Sociedad de la Información: uso de la Web 2.0 por comunicadores politicos brasileros

Fundação de Amparo à Pesquisa do Estado de São Paulo (FAPESP)

O papel das emissoras educativas no Brasil em tempo de eleições

The concept of educational radio is present in the Brazilian Code of Broadcasting in 1963, valued by an Interministerial 1999.According to the Ministry of Communications, only 176 stations are considered educational universe of 3,000 existing radios in Brazil. In this context, the study proposes to establish a discussion on the educational experiences obtained from the radio, considering the Brazilian radio culture that favors concessions to trade groups and religious politicians. The challenge will be to move toward a program that combines educational content, entertainment, and thus ensures a common universe of communication skills enabling the adult radio listeners their actual interaction with the world around him. The methodology will work in the literature from texts on the subject, and the result of practical observations collected during visits to the broadcasters, programming and analysis.

Religião, política e eleições na Folha Universal

The Folha Universal, newspaper produced by the Igreja Universal do Reino de Deus (Iurd, abbreviation in Portuguese for Universal Church of the Kingdom of God), reaches an average weekly circulation from 2.5 to 3.5 million copies. Studies indicate that the Folha Universal is not merely an institutional newspaper. It is systematically dedicated to be a source of political information to their readers, in order to publicize candidates and politicians who defend the Iurd’s proposals for the Brazilian public life. This paper describes results of an empirical study on the frames built by the Folha Universal about the social demands, economic and political governance considered as priorities to the public management by the Iurd around five themes of analysis: public safety; children and adolescents care; public health; environment; politics and economy. The results indicate that, as characteristics of the Folha Universal in the four months prior to the 2010 Brazilian elections, aspects that differ from those indicated by previous studies on the newspaper. Previously detected in the pages of Folha Universal as a mean for finding solutions to social problems, the theology of prosperity was in our sample replaced by the formulation of public policies.

A construção social do mercado colaborativo de software livre durante o Governo Lula: agentes, estratégias e discursos

Fundação de Amparo à Pesquisa do Estado de São Paulo (FAPESP)

Letrados da Amazônia Imperial e saberes das populações analfabetas durante a Revolução Cabana (1835-1840)

Neste artigo discute-se como alguns letrados e políticos da Amazônia compreenderam a cultura iletrada na Cabanagem, movimento ocorrido nessa região entre 1835 e 1840. Analisam-se relatórios de presidentes da província do Grão-Pará, estudos da época e centralmente a obra Motins políticos, do historiador e político imperial Domingos Antônio Raiol, o Barão de Guajará. Escrita entre as décadas de 1860 e 1890, a obra descreve as motivações para a guerra cabana pela ótica da ordem imperial, sobretudo após a ascensão do imperador D. Pedro II. Admite-se como hipótese que as mudanças educacionais e sociais, nascidas após os anos de 1870, embora tenham fomentado a criação de novas instituições escolares e ampliado o grau e a abrangência da instrução formal, elas também trouxeram temores na sua condução por se tratar de um local tão revolucionário quanto o Pará. Conclui-se que discutir os saberes cabanos - ainda que pela leitura arrevesada de Raiol - é criticar um tipo de educação formal, compreendendo o quanto ela pode desqualificar conhecimentos e saberes informais de mundo.

A construção social do mercado colaborativo de software livre durante o Governo Lula: agentes, estratégias e discursos

Fundação de Amparo à Pesquisa do Estado de São Paulo (FAPESP)

Trends in South American weapons purchases at the beginning of the new millennium

In recent years, with some frequency it is heard that Latin America, especially South America, is witnessing the rise of an arms race. Frequent reports in the press and strong statements made by politicians in the region have fueled this fear. At the same time, scholars have also reached to this conclusion, as pointed out by Malamud and Garcia: "The famous arms race in Latin America, led by Venezuela, is no longer just talk."

The Social City : Middle-way approaches to housing and sub-urban golvernmentality in southern Stockholm, 1900-1945

This dissertation deals with the period bridging the era of extreme housing shortages in Stockholm on the eve of industrialisation and the much admired programmes of housing provision that followed after the second world war, when Stockholm district Vällingby became an example for underground railway-serviced ”new towns”. It is argued that important changes were made in the housing and town planning policy in Stockholm in this period that paved the way for the successful ensuing period. Foremost among these changes was the uniquely developed practice of municipal leaseholding with the help of site leasehold rights (Erbbaurecht). The study is informed by recent developments in Foucauldian social research, which go under the heading ’governmentality’. Developments within urban planning are understood as different solutions to the problem of urban order. To a large extent, urban and housing policies changed during the period from direct interventions into the lives of inhabitants connected to a liberal understanding of housing provision, to the building of a disciplinary city, and the conduct of ’governmental’ power, building on increased activity on behalf of the local state to provide housing and the integration and co-operation of large collectives. Municipal leaseholding was a fundamental means for the implementation of this policy. When the new policies were introduced, they were limited to the outer parts of the city and administered by special administrative bodies. This administrative and spatial separation was largely upheld throughout the period, and represented as the parallel building of a ’social’ outer city, while things in the inner ’mercantile’ city proceeded more or less as before. This separation was founded in a radical difference in land holding policy: while sites in the inner city were privatised and sold at market values, land in the outer city was mostly leasehold land, distributed according to administrative – and thus politically decided – priorities. These differences were also understood and acknowledged by the inhabitants. Thorough studies of the local press and the organisational life of the southern parts of the outer city reveals that the local identity was tightly connected with the representations connected to the different land holding systems. Inhabitants in the south-western parts of the city, which in this period was still largely built on private sites, displayed a spatial understanding built on the contradictions between centre and periphery. The inhabitants living on leaseholding sites, however, showed a clear understanding of their position as members of model communities, tightly connected to the policy of the municipal administration. The organisations on leaseholding sites also displayed a deep co-operation with the administration. As the analyses of election results show, the inhabitants also seemed to have felt a greater degree of integration with the society at large, than people living in other parts of the city. The leaseholding system in Stockholm has persisted until today and has been one of the strongest in the world, although the local neo-liberal politicians are currently disposing it off.