922 resultados para POWERS
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This book addresses the debate on the democratic deficit of European foreign and defence policies. This debate revolves around two dimensions. The first one has to do with the accountability of CFSP institutions. Is the current degree of parliamentary oversight of these policies the most appropriate? Has the disengagement of national parliaments regarding European foreign policy been counterbalanced by giving sufficient powers to the European Parliament? And, regarding the European Security and Defence Policy (ESDP), are national parliaments effectively controlling it? The second dimension of the debate is related to the wider question of whether the European Parliament is capable of legitimising EU policy outcomes. In the absence of a Europe-wide demos and of a true party system, what interests do Members of the European Parliament (MEPs) represent when dealing with foreign policy issues? Are there transnational cleavages in foreign policy or are they mainly national? Furthermore, is the European Parliament developing a transnational, autonomous stance on foreign policy issues, different from that of the Council or the Commission? The present volume is the result of the 2nd Meeting of the FORNET Working Group on “Evolution and Accountability of CFSP Institutions” organised by the Observatory of European Foreign Policy (Research line of the Institut Universitari d’Estudis Europeus), which took place in Barcelona, the 4 and 5 March 2005.
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We study the equidistribution of Fekete points in a compact complex manifold. These are extremal point configurations defined through sections of powers of a positive line bundle. Their equidistribution is a known result. The novelty of our approach is that we relate them to the problem of sampling and interpolation on line bundles, which allows us to estimate the equidistribution of the Fekete points quantitatively. In particular we estimate the Kantorovich-Wasserstein distance of the Fekete points to its limiting measure. The sampling and interpolation arrays on line bundles are a subject of independent interest, and we provide necessary density conditions through the classical approach of Landau, that in this context measures the local dimension of the space of sections of the line bundle. We obtain a complete geometric characterization of sampling and interpolation arrays in the case of compact manifolds of dimension one, and we prove that there are no arrays of both sampling and interpolation in the more general setting of semipositive line bundles.
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La relación educativa entraña, inevitablemente, el debate entorno de la verticalidad y del ejercicio del poder. De qué modo nos relacionamos y cómo gestionamos la comunicación entre educadores y educandos, así como entre iguales. Esa tensión se ve amplificada en la medida que incorporamos lógicas evaluativas en nuestro quehacer profesional. La siguiente comunicación describe la experiencia de la metodología de aprendizaje basada en la evaluación entre iguales aplicada a la profesionalización de los y las educadores/as sociales. Tanto a nivel escolar como en el universitario hay numerosas experiencias publicadas en relación a la metodología de evaluación entre iguales. Además, existen numerosos apartados de los “Documentos profesionalizadores” donde se justifica el hecho de que se entrenen algunas habilidades que deberían darse en la práctica profesional (como por ejemplo en la definición, en el código ético, y en el catálogo de funciones y competencias del/la educador/a social). En esta comunicación pretendemos dar a conocer la experiencia de entrenamiento de futuros educadores en aspectos que tienen una relación directa con la evaluación entre educadores/as sociales. Así pues, utilizaremos una justificación académica y metodológica de la actividad, enlazándola con los documentos profesionalizadores con un fin relacionado directamente con el ejercicio de la profesión.
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Este estudo teve como propósito investigar a qualidade de vida de 264 estudantes de Graduação em Enfermagem. Os dados foram coletados por meio de um questionário e um instrumento de medida de qualidade de vida, o IQV de Ferrans e Powers. As médias obtidas dos escores do IQV para os estudantes foram altas e próximas das médias da população geral de Rockford - USA. As médias do IQV nos diferentes anos do curso mostraram queda no decorrer do 2º ano, quando os estudantes são inseridos no campo prático, fornecendo subsídios para possíveis intervenções dos educadores nessa problemática.
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Exact closed-form expressions are obtained for the outage probability of maximal ratio combining in η-μ fadingchannels with antenna correlation and co-channel interference. The scenario considered in this work assumes the joint presence of background white Gaussian noise and independent Rayleigh-faded interferers with arbitrary powers. Outage probability results are obtained through an appropriate generalization of the moment-generating function of theη-μ fading distribution, for which new closed-form expressions are provided.
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For single-user MIMO communication with uncoded and coded QAM signals, we propose bit and power loading schemes that rely only on channel distribution information at the transmitter. To that end, we develop the relationship between the average bit error probability at the output of a ZF linear receiver and the bit rates and powers allocated at the transmitter. This relationship, and the fact that a ZF receiver decouples the MIMO parallel channels, allow leveraging bit loading algorithms already existing in the literature. We solve dual bit rate maximization and power minimization problems and present performance resultsthat illustrate the gains of the proposed scheme with respect toa non-optimized transmission.
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Education and health policy are two of the public policies, which in Spain have been assigned to the Autonomous Communities (AC). This transfer of powers could be considered a proof for the strong “self-rule” of the AC, which in turn shows that Spain could be classified as a federal state. In the following analysis the authors in some parts disagree with that conclusion, showing that considering the education area Spain is “heavy at the top”. Due to the state’s exclusive power to regulate the basic conditions guaranteeing the equality of all Spanish citizens, the important and final decisions are taken at the center through the framework legislation. The AC play a minor role in the legislation process, they have to adopt the center decisions. De-centralization and extension of the framework legislation are highly connected: The central state reacted with strong framework legislation to the stages of the educational decentralization process. In addition, the concentration of important framing powers within the central state does not make educational reforms more infrequent. However, such reforms are the results of a competition between the parties, and not between the AC or between the AC and the central state
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Authorize and direct the transfer of powers providing for the maintenance of the State Capital grounds, equipment, etc., as given to the Department of Buildings & Grounds to the General Services Department.
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Executive Orders from Governor Ray. Authorize and direct the transfer of powers, duites, etc. as given to the Printing Board of General Services Department
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Authorize and direct the transfer of powers providing for the purchase of all state-owned vehicles to the General Services Department.
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Authorize and direct the transfer from the Executive Council to the Department of General Services the powers, duties, etc. that are contained in Chapter 84 of the Laws of the 64th General Assembly.
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Authorize and direct the transfer from the Executive Council to the Department of General Services the powers, duties, etc. that are contained in Chapter 84 of the Laws of the 64th General Assembly.
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Authorize and direct the transfer of all powers, etc. contained in Chapter 8A, 1971 Code, specifically including those given to the State Educational Radio and Faciliy Board to the Department of General Services.
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This article presents a formal model of policy decision-making in an institutional framework of separation of powers in which the main actors are pivotal political parties with voting discipline. The basic model previously developed from pivotal politics theory for the analysis of the United States lawmaking is here modified to account for policy outcomes and institutional performances in other presidential regimes, especially in Latin America. Legislators' party indiscipline at voting and multi-partism appear as favorable conditions to reduce the size of the equilibrium set containing collectively inefficient outcomes, while a two-party system with strong party discipline is most prone to produce 'gridlock', that is, stability of socially inefficient policies. The article provides a framework for analysis which can induce significant revisions of empirical data, especially regarding the effects of situations of (newly defined) unified and divided government, different decision rules, the number of parties and their discipline. These implications should be testable and may inspire future analytical and empirical work.
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After the economic reforms of 1978, China started rising very fast and started engaging other countries in the region which has served to increase its confidence in the region. In the post cold war period, China was seen as a big threat for the region because of its claims on the South China Sea. Nevertheless, this image was eliminated when China engaged ASEAN and other multilateral and regional organizations. This paper is studying China’s economic and security policies towards ASEAN. Globalization Theory is the theory being used to explain the nature of China-ASEAN relations. This research paper argues that China’s rise is promoting peace in the region. With the engagement policy, China started promoting trade and security co operations based on mutual benefits and dialogues for the peaceful resolutions of the disputes in the region. This contributed greatly to improve China’s image in the region. Additionally, China’s posture during the economic crises of 1997 also greatly contributed to improve its image. Thus, the rise of China is providing opportunity to the other countries in East Asia. Chapter One: Background On China-ASEAN Relations The use of Soft Power and engagement policy by the Chinese government has helped to change China’s image in the region. By using these policies China has been able to clear the feeling of suspicion and mistrust among the Asian states. China has increased its participation in multilateral and regional organizations, such as ASEAN. Due to this China has been able to promote economic and security co-operation among countries in the region. Thus, from being a potential threat China became a potential co-operative partner. Chapter Two: A Look into ASEAN ASEAN was originally formed on 8th August 1967 in Bangkok, Thailand, by Indonesia, Malaysia, the Philippines, Singapore and Thailand. Nevertheless, ASEAN was not the first regional group created to act as forum for dialogue between the leaders of different countries. Thought, it is the only one which could work in the region. The aim of the foundation of ASEAN was to promote peace and stability in the Abstract 2 region and also contain the spread of communism in Southeast Asia. For this reason, China did not engage ASEAN until 1990. However, in 1978 with the establishment of the open up policy China started engaging other countries. It started building trust among its neighboring countries by using soft power. By 1992, China formalized its diplomatic ties with ASEAN as a group. The diplomatic ties between China and ASEAN focus on multilateralism and co-operation as the best way for a more peaceful Asia and the search for common security. Thus, security in the region is promoted through economic co-operation among the states. Therefore the relation between China – ASEAN emphasizes the five principles of peaceful coexistence, mutual benefits in economic co-operation, dialogue promoting trust and the peaceful settlement of disputes. Chapter Three: China-ASEAN Economic Relations Since 1978 The economic reform of 1978 has greatly contributed to the economic development of China. After the adoption of the open up policy, China has been able to establish economic and trade relations with the outside world. The realist school of thought had predicted that Asia will not be stable in the post cold war period. Nevertheless, this has not been the case in Asia. China is growing peacefully with the co-operation of countries in the region. China is establishing strong ties with its neighboring countries. China and ASEAN relations focus on mutual benefit instead of being a zero sum game. Thus these relations are aimed at encouraging trust and economic co-operation in the region. China and ASEAN have agreed on Free Trade to assure that the two parties benefit from the co-operation. The ACFTA will have a great impact on economic, political and security issues. This will enable China to increase its influence in Asia and counterbalance the influences that Japan and U.S have in the region. Chapter Four: China ASEAN Relations in the Security Perspective This Chapter is about China and ASEAN relations on security issue. The new security issues of the post cold war period need to be solved in multilateral way. China as a major power in the region, through its engagement policy has solved most Abstract 3 of the disputes in the region using multilateral means. China has also found ways to solve the dispute over Spratly Islands peacefully, through dialogue using ASEAN. Additionally, China signed the Treaty of Amity in 2003, promoted security initiatives through ARF, Declaration on Conduct of Parties in the South China Sea and documents covering non-traditional security threats, economic co-operation and agricultural co-operation in November 2002, and the Joint Declaration on Strategic. Chapter Five: Finding and Analysis This chapter provides a quantitative and qualitative analysis of the date collected throughout this research. It provides an analysis of how the rise of China is promoting peace in the region. China has been promoting mutual beneficial trade and security co-operation which has increased its influence in the region. China has also been able to solve most of the territorial and border dispute in the region through ASEAN. Thus, ASEAN has amended China’s relations with other countries in the region. Therefore, China’s foreign policy in the region has a big impact in shaping the dynamic relations in East Asia. Conclusion and Recommendations This paper concluded that the relationships between China and ASEAN are contributing to peace in the region. After China engaged ASEAN, it has been able to promote multilateral trade based on mutual benefit. This is clearly emphasized by the CAFTA. Additionally, China has solved most of the dispute in the region. It has also found way for a peaceful resolution of the dispute over Spratly Island. Nowadays, the ASEAN countries don’t see China as a threat to the region. Nevertheless, they’ve adopted deterrence measures such as establishing diplomatic relations with other big powers in the region to assure that the region continues to grow peacefully. Concerning this deterrence measures, I recommend as another way for a continued peaceful growth, the resolution of the outstanding dispute.