986 resultados para Marengo, Battle of, Marengo, Italy, 1800
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One-third of botanical remedies from southern Italy are used to treat skin and soft tissue infections (SST's). Methicillin-resistant Staphylococcus aureus (MRSA), a common cause of SSTIs, is responsible for increased morbidity and mortality from infections. Therapeutic options are limited by antibiotic resistance. Many plants possess potent antimicrobial compounds for these disorders. Validation of traditional medical practices is important for the people who rely on medicinal plants. Moreover, identification of novel antibiotics and anti-pathogenic agents for MRSA is important to global healthcare.^ I took an ethnopharmacological approach to understand how Italian medicinal plants used for the treatment of SSTIs affect MRSA growth and virulence. My hypothesis was that plants used in folk remedies for SSTI would exhibit lower cytotoxicity and greater inhibition of bacterial growth, biofilm formation and toxin production in MRSA than plants used for remedies unrelated to the skin or for plants with no ethnomedical application. The field portion of my research was conducted in the Vulture-Alto Bradano area of southern Italy. I collected 104 plant species and created 168 crude extracts. In the lab, I screened samples for activity against MRSA in a battery of bioassays. Growth inhibition was analyzed using broth microtiter assays for determination of the minimum inhibitory concentration. Interference with quorum-sensing (QS) processes, which mediate pathogenicity, was quantified through RP-HPLC of δ-toxin production. Interference with biofilm formation and adherence was assessed using staining methods. The mammalian cytotoxicity of natural products was analyzed using MTT cell proliferation assay techniques.^ Although bacteriostatic activity was limited, extracts from six plants used in Italian folk medicine (Arundo donax, Ballota nigra, Juglans regia, Leopoldia comosa, Marrubium vulgare, and Rubus ulmifolius ) significantly inhibited biofilm formation and adherence. Moreover, plants used to treat SSTI demonstrated significantly greater anti-biofilm activity when compared to plants with no ethnomedical application. QSI activity was evident in 90% of the extracts tested and extracts from four plants ( Ballota nigra, Castanea saliva, Rosmarinus officinalis, and Sambucus ebulus) exhibited a significant dose-dependent response. Some of the plant remedies for SSTI identified in this study can be validated due to anti-MRSA activity.^
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This article will acquaint you with ten of the more important leftwing films I have reviewed over the past sixteen years as a member of New York Film Critics Online. You will not see listed familiar works such as “The Battle of Algiers” but instead those that deserve wider attention, the proverbial neglected masterpieces. They originate from different countries and are available through Internet streaming, either freely from Youtube or through Netflix or Amazon rental. In several instances you will be referred to film club websites that like the films under discussion deserve wider attention since they are the counterparts to the small, independent theaters where such films get premiered. The country of origin, date and director will be identified next to the title, followed by a summary of the film, and finally by its availability.
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We studied a high-resolution multiproxy data set, including magnetic susceptibility (MS), CaCO3 content, and stable isotopes (d18O and d13C), from the stratigraphic interval covering the uppermost Maastrichtian and the lower Danian, represented by the pelagic limestones of the Scaglia Rossa Formation continuously exposed in the classic sections of the Bottaccione Gorge and the Contessa Highway near Gubbio, Italy. Variations in all the proxy series are periodic and reflect astronomically forced climate changes (i.e., Milankovitch cycles). In particular, the MS proxy reflects variations in the terrigenous dust input in this pelagic, deep-marine environment. We speculate that the dust is mainly eolian in origin and that the availability and transport of dust are influenced by variations in the vegetation cover on the Maastrichtian-Paleocene African or Asian zone, which were respectively located at tropical to subtropical latitudes to the south or far to the east of the western Tethyan Umbria-Marche Basin, and were characterized by monsoonal circulation. The dynamics of monsoonal circulation are known to be strongly dependent on precession-driven and obliquity-driven changes in insolation. We propose that a threshold mechanism in the vegetation coverage may explain eccentricity-related periodicities in the terrigenous eolian dust input. Other mechanisms, both oceanic and terrestrial, that depend on the precession amplitude modulated by eccentricity, can be evoked together with the variation of dust influx in the western Tethys to explain the detected eccentricity periodicity in the d13C record. Our interpretations of the d18O and MS records suggest a warming event ~400 k.y. prior to the Cretaceous-Paleogene (K-Pg) boundary, and a period of climatic and environmental instability in the earliest Danian. Based on these multiproxy phase relationships, we propose an astronomical tuning for these sections; this leads us to an estimate of the timing and duration of several late Maastrichtian and Danian biostratigraphic and magnetostratigraphic events.
Mount Carmel in the Commune: Promoting the Holy Land in Central Italy in the 13th and 14th Centuries
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The Carmelite friars were the last of the major mendicant orders to be established in Italy. Originally an eremitical order, they arrived from the Holy Land in the 1240s, decades after other mendicant orders, such as the Franciscans and Dominicans, had constructed churches and cultivated patrons in the burgeoning urban centers of central Italy. In a religious market already saturated with friars, the Carmelites distinguished themselves by promoting their Holy Land provenance, eremitical values, and by developing an institutional history claiming to be descendants of the Old Testament prophet Elijah. By the end of the 13th century the order had constructed thriving churches and convents and leveraged itself into a prominent position in the religious community. My dissertation analyzes these early Carmelite churches and convents, as well as the friars’ interactions with patrons, civic governments, and the urban space they occupied. Through three primary case studies – the churches and convents of Pisa, Siena and Florence – I examine the Carmelites’ approach to art, architecture, and urban space as the order transformed its mission from one of solitary prayer to one of active ministry.
My central questions are these: To what degree did the Carmelites’ Holy Land provenance inform the art and architecture they created for their central Italian churches? And to what degree was their visual culture instead a reflection of the mendicant norms of the time?
I have sought to analyze the Carmelites at the institutional level, to determine how the order viewed itself and how it wanted its legacy to develop. I then seek to determine how and if the institutional model was utilized in the artistic and architectural production of the individual convents. The understanding of Carmelite art as a promotional tool for the identity of the order is not a new one, however my work is the first to consider deeply the order’s architectural aspirations. I also consider the order’s relationships with its de facto founding saint, the prophet Elijah, and its patron, the Virgin Mary, in a more comprehensive manner that situates the resultant visual culture into the contemporary theological and historical contexts.
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Rising atmospheric CO2 often triggers the production of plant phenolics, including many that serve as herbivore deterrents, digestion reducers, antimicrobials, or ultraviolet sunscreens. Such responses are predicted by popular models of plant defense, especially resource availability models which link carbon availability to phenolic biosynthesis. CO2 availability is also increasing in the oceans, where anthropogenic emissions cause ocean acidification, decreasing seawater pH and shifting the carbonate system towards further CO2 enrichment. Such conditions tend to increase seagrass productivity but may also increase rates of grazing on these marine plants. Here we show that high CO2 / low pH conditions of OA decrease, rather than increase, concentrations of phenolic protective substances in seagrasses and eurysaline marine plants. We observed a loss of simple and polymeric phenolics in the seagrass Cymodocea nodosa near a volcanic CO2 vent on the Island of Vulcano, Italy, where pH values decreased from 8.1 to 7.3 and pCO2 concentrations increased ten-fold. We observed similar responses in two estuarine species, Ruppia maritima and Potamogeton perfoliatus, in in situ Free-Ocean-Carbon-Enrichment experiments conducted in tributaries of the Chesapeake Bay, USA. These responses are strikingly different than those exhibited by terrestrial plants. The loss of phenolic substances may explain the higher-than-usual rates of grazing observed near undersea CO2 vents and suggests that ocean acidification may alter coastal carbon fluxes by affecting rates of decomposition, grazing, and disease. Our observations temper recent predictions that seagrasses would necessarily be "winners" in a high CO2 world.
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The recent archaeological works in Hinojosa, allowed us to discover a camp from Roman republic period. It is located in the center of the Celtiberian area and its study could open interesting perspectives to study this historical period. This paper shows the results of its preliminary studies.
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Georg Jellinek is known as one of the most prominent representative of German legal positivism. This article aims at identifying and discussing the more theoretical- political connotation of Jellinek’s thought with a particular focus on his liberal inspiration. According to the perspective of the history of political thought, this article shows how some intellectual premises to Jellinek’s liberalism take shape and emerge from a series of young Jellinek’s writings on history of philosophy and history of ideas.
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Copyright history has long been a subject of intense and contested enquiry. Historical narratives about the early development of copyright were first prominently mobilised in eighteenth century British legal discourse, during the so-called Battle of the Booksellers between Scottish and London publishers. The two landmark copyright decisions of that time – Millar v. Taylor (1769) and Donaldson v. Becket (1774) – continue to provoke debate today. The orthodox reading of Millar and Donaldson presents copyright as a natural proprietary right at common law inherent in authors. Revisionist accounts dispute that traditional analysis. These conflicting perspectives have, once again, become the subject of critical scrutiny with the publication of Copyright at Common Law in 1774 by Prof Tomas Gomez-Arostegui in 2014, in the Connecticut Law Review ((2014) 47 Conn. L. Rev. 1) and as a CREATe Working Paper (No. 2014/16, 3 November 2014).
Taking Prof Gomez-Arostegui’s extraordinary work in this area as a point of departure, Dr Elena Cooper and Professor Ronan Deazley (then both academics at CREATe) organised an event, held at the University of Glasgow on 26th and 27th March 2015, to consider the interplay between copyright history and contemporary copyright policy. Is Donaldson still relevant, and, if so, why? What justificatory goals are served by historical investigation, and what might be learned from the history of the history of copyright? Does the study of copyright history still have any currency within an evidence-based policy context that is increasingly preoccupied with economic impact analysis?
This paper provides a lasting record of these discussions, including an editorial introduction, written comments by each of the panelists and Prof. Gomez-Arostegui and an edited transcript of the Symposium debate.
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There is increasing advocacy for inclusive community-based approaches to environmental management, and growing evidence that involving communities improves the sustainability of social-ecological systems. Most community-based approaches rely on partnerships and knowledge exchange between communities, civil society organizations, and professionals such as practitioners and/or scientists. However, few models have actively integrated more horizontal knowledge exchange from community to community. We reflect on the transferability of community owned solutions between indigenous communities by exploring challenges and achievements of community peer-to-peer knowledge exchange as a way of empowering communities to face up to local environmental and social challenges. Using participatory visual methods, indigenous communities of the North Rupununi (Guyana) identified and documented their community owned solutions through films and photostories. Indigenous researchers from this community then shared their solutions with six other communities that faced similar challenges within Guyana, Suriname, Venezuela, Colombia, French Guiana, and Brazil. They were supported by in-country civil society organizations and academics. We analyzed the impact of the knowledge exchange through interviews, field reports, and observations. Our results show that indigenous community members were significantly more receptive to solutions emerging from, and communicated by, other indigenous peoples, and that this approach was a significant motivating force for galvanizing communities to make changes in their community. We identified a range of enabling factors, such as building capacity for a shared conceptual and technical understanding, that strengthens the exchange between communities and contributes to a lasting impact. With national and international policy-makers mobilizing significant financial resources for biodiversity conservation and climate change mitigation, we argue that the promotion of community owned solutions through community peer-to-peer exchange may deliver more long-lasting, socially and ecologically integrated, and investment-effective strategies compared to top-down, expert led, and/or foreign-led initiatives.
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First published in 1897.
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George Keith, fourth Earl Marischal is a case study of long-term, quietly successful and stable lordship through the reign of James VI. Marischal’s life provides a wholly underrepresented perspective on this era, where the study of rebellious and notorious characters has dominated. He is also a counter-example to the notion of a general crisis among the European nobility, at least in the Scottish context, as well as to the notion of a ‘conservative’ or ‘Catholic’ north east. In 1580 George inherited the richest earldom in Scotland, with a geographical extent stretching along the east coast from Caithness to East Lothian. His family came to be this wealthy as a long term consequence of the Battle of Flodden (1513) where a branch of the family, the Inverugie Keiths had been killed. The heiress of this branch was married to the third earl and this had concentrated a large number of lands, and consequently wealth, in the hands of the earls. This had, however, also significantly decreased the number of members and hence power of the Keith kindred. The third earl’s conversion to Protestantism in 1544 and later his adherence to the King’s Party during the Marian Civil War forced the Keiths into direct confrontation with their neighbours in the north east, the Gordons (led by the Earls of Huntly), a Catholic family and supporters of the Queen’s Party. Although this feud was settled for a time at the end of the war, the political turmoil caused by a succession of short-lived factional regimes in the early part of the personal reign of James VI (c.1578-1585) led the new (fourth) Earl Marischal into direct confrontation with the new (sixth) Earl of Huntly. Marischal was outclassed, outmanoeuvred and outgunned at both court and in the locality in this feud, suffering considerably. However, Huntly’s over-ambition in wider court politics meant that Marischal was able to join various coalitions against his rival, until Huntly was exiled in 1595. Marischal also came into conflict briefly with Chancellor John Maitland of Thirlestane as a consequence of Marischal’s diplomatic mission to Denmark in 1589-1590, but was again outmatched politically and briefly imprisoned. Both of these feuds reveal Marischal to be relatively cautious and reactionary, and both reveal the limitations of his power. Elsewhere, the study of Marischal’s activities in the centre of Scottish politics reveal him to be unambitious. He was ready to serve King James, the two men having a healthy working relationship, but Marischal showed no ambition as a courtier, to woo the king’s favour or patronage, instead delegating interaction with the monarch to his kinsmen. Likewise, in government, Marischal rarely attended any of the committees he was entitled to attend, such as the Privy Council, although he did keep a keen eye on the land market and the business conducted under the Great Seal. Although personally devout and a committed Protestant, the study of Marischal’s interaction with the national Kirk and the parishes of which he was patron reveal that he was at times a negligent patron and exercised his right of ministerial presentation as lordly, not godly patronage. The notion of a ‘conservative North East’ is, however, rejected. Where Marischal was politically weak at court and weak in terms of force in the locality, we see him pursuing sideways approaches to dealing with this. Thus he was keen to build up his general influence in the north and in particular with the burgh of Aberdeen (one result of this being the creation of Marischal College in 1593), pursued disputes through increasing use of legal methods rather than bloodfeud (thus exploiting his wealth and compensating for his relative lack of force) and developed a sophisticated system of maritime infrastructure, ultimately expressed through the creating of the burghs of Peterhead and Stonehaven. Although his close family caused him a number of problems over his lifetime, he was able to pass on a stable and enlarged lordship to his son in 1623.
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Relief shown by hachures.
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Scale ca. 1:7,300.
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Annually, the association publishes a journal, The Proceedings, which consists of papers presented at the annual meeting. Francis Lieber at the South Carolina College by William M. Geer – United States Military Academy The Republican Society of Charleston by Eugene P. Link – Winthrop College Planters from the Low-Country and their Summer Travels by Lawrence F. Brewster – Duke University Bentonville—the Last Battle of Johnston and Sherman by Robert W. Barnwell
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NEW DATA ON THE CHRONOLOGY OF THE VALE DO FORNO SEDIMENTARY SEQUENCE (LOWER TAGUS RIVER TERRACE STAIRCASE) AND ITS RELEVANCE AS FLUVIAL ARCHIVE OF THE MIDDLE PLEISTOCENE IN WESTERN IBERIA Pedro P. Cunha 1, António A. Martins 2, Jan-Pieter Buylaert 3,4, Andrew S. Murray 4, Luis Raposo 5, Paolo Mozzi 6, Martin Stokes 7 1 MARE - Marine and Environmental Sciences Centre, Department of Earth Sciences, University of Coimbra, Portugal: pcunha@dct.uc.pt 2 MARE - Marine and Environmental Sciences Centre, Dep. Geociências, University of Évora, Portugal; aam@uevora.pt 3 Centre for Nuclear Technologies, Technical University of Denmark, Risø Campus, Denmark; jabu@dtu.dk 4 Nordic Laboratory for Luminescence Dating, Aarhus University, Risø DTU, Denmark; anmu@dtu.dk 5 Museu Nacional de Arqueologia, Lisboa, Portugal; 3raposos@sapo.pt 6 Department of Geosciences, University of Padova, Italy; paolo.mozzi@unipd.it 7 School of Geography, Earth and Environmental Sciences, University of Plymouth, UK; m.stokes@plymouth.ac.uk The stratigraphic units that record the evolution of the Tagus River in Portugal (study area between Vila Velha de Ródão and Porto Alto villages; Fig. 1) have different sedimentary characteristics and lithic industries (Cunha et al., 2012): - a culminant sedimentary unit (the ancestral Tagus, before the drainage network entrenchment) – SLD13 (+142 to 262 m above river bed – a.r.b.; with probable age ca. 3,6 to 1,8 Ma), without artefacts; - T1 terrace (+84 to 180 m; ca. 1000? to 900 ka), without artefacts; - T2 terrace (+57 to 150 m; top deposits with a probable age ca. 600 ka), without artefacts; - T3 terrace (+43 to 113 m; ca. 460 to 360? ka), without artefacts; - T4 terrace (+26 to 55 m; ca. 335 a 155 ka), Lower Paleolithic (Acheulian) at basal and middle levels but early Middle Paleolithic at top levels; - T5 terrace (+5 to 34 m; 135 to 73 ka), Middle Paleolithic (Mousterian; Levallois technique); - T6 terrace (+3 to 14 m; 62 to 32 ka), late Middle Paleolithic (late Mousterian); - Carregueira Sands (aeolian sands) and colluvium (+3 a ca. 100 m; 32 to 12 ka), Upper Paleolithic to Epipaleolithic; - alluvial plain (+0 to 8 m; ca. 12 ka to present), Mesolithic and more recent industries. The differences in elevation (a.r.b.) of the several terrace staircases results from differential uplift due to active faults. Longitudinal correlation with the terrace levels indicates that a graded profile ca. 200 km long was achieved during terrace formation periods and a strong control by sea base level was determinant for terrace formation. The Neogene sedimentary units constituted the main source of sediments for the fluvial terraces (Fig. 2). Geomorphological mapping, coupled with lithostratigraphy, sedimentology and luminescence dating (quartz-OSL and K-feldspar post-IRIR290) were used in this study focused on the T4 terrace, which comprises a Lower Gravels (LG) unit and an Upper Sand (US) unit. The thick, coarse and dominantly massive gravels of the LG unit indicate deposition by a coarse bed-load braided river, with strong sediment supply, high gradient and fluvial competence, during conditions of rapidly rising sea level. Luminescence dating only provided minimum ages but it is probable that the LG unit corresponds to the earlier part of the MIS9 (ca. 335 to 325 ka), immediately postdating the incision promoted by the very low sea level (reaching ca. -140 m) during MIS10 (362 to 337 ka), a period of relatively cold climate conditions with weak vegetation cover on slopes and low sea level. Fig. 1. Main Portuguese reaches in which the Tagus River can be divided (Lower Tagus Basin): I – from the Spanish border to Arneiro (a general E–W trend, mainly consisting of polygonal segments); II – from Arneiro to Gavião (NE–SW); III – from Gavião to Arripiado (E–W); IV – from Arripiado to Vila Franca de Xira (NNE-SSW); V – from Vila Franca de Xira to the Atlantic shoreline. The faults considered to be the limit of the referred fluvial sectors are: F1 – Ponsul-Arneiro fault (WSW-ENE); F2 – Gavião fault (NW-SE); F3 – Ortiga fault (NW-SE); F4 – Vila Nova da Barquinha fault (W-E); F5 – Arripiado-Chamusca fault (NNE-SSW). 1 – estuary; 2 – terraces; 3 – faults; 4 – Tagus main channel. The main Iberian drainage basins are also represented (inset). The lower and middle parts of the US unit, comprising an alternation of clayish silts with paleosols and minor sands to the east (flood-plain deposits) and sand deposits to the west (channel belt), have a probable age of ca. 325 to 200 ka. This points to formation during MIS9 to MIS7, under conditions of high to medium sea levels and warm to mild conditions. The upper part of the US unit, dominated by sand facies and with OSL ages of ca. 200 to 154 ka, correlates with the early part of the MIS6. During this period, progradation resulted from climate deterioration and relative depletion of vegetation that promoted enhanced sediment production in the catchment, coupled with initiation of sea-level lowering that increased the longitudinal slope. The Vale do Forno and Vale da Atela archaeological sites (Alpiarça, central Portugal) document the earliest human occupation in the Lower Tagus River, well established in geomorphological and environmental terms, within the Middle Pleistocene. The Lower Palaeolithic sites were found on the T4 terrace (+26 m, a.r.b.). The oldest artefacts previously found in the LG unit, display crude bifacial forms that can be attributed to the Acheulian, with a probable age of ca. 335 to 325 ka. The T4 US unit has archaeological sites stratigraphically documenting successive phases of an evolved Acheulian, that probably date ca. 325 to 300 ka. Notably, these Lower Palaeolithic artisans were able to produce tools with different sophistication levels, simply by applying different strategies: more elaborated reduction sequences in case of bifaces and simple reduction sequences to obtain cleavers. Fig. 2. . Simplified geologic map of the Lower Tagus Cenozoic basin, adapted from the Carta Geológica de Portugal, 1/500000, 1992). The study area (comprising the Vale do Forno and Vale de Atela sites) is located on the more upstream sector of the Lower Tagus River reach IV, between Arripiado and Chamusca villages. 1 – alluvium (Holocene); 2 – terraces (Pleistocene); 3 – sands, silts and gravels (Paleogene to Pliocene); 4 – Sintra Massif (Cretaceous); 5 – limestones, marls, silts and sandstones (Mesozoic); 6 – quartzites (Ordovician); 7 – basement (Proterozoic to Palaeozoic); 8 – main fault. The main Portuguese reaches of the Tagus River are identified (I to V). The VF3 site (Milharós), containing a Final Acheulian industry, with fine and elaborated bifaces) found in a stratigraphic level located between the T4 terrace deposits and a colluvium associated with Late Pleistocene aeolian sands (32 to 12 ka), has an age younger than ca. 154 ka but much older than 32 ka. In the study area, the sedimentary units of the T4 terrace seem to record the river response to sea-level changes and climatically-driven fluctuations in sediment supply. REFERENCES Cunha P. P., Almeida N. A. C., Aubry T., Martins A. A., Murray A. S., Buylaert J.-P., Sohbati R., Raposo L., Rocha L., 2012, Records of human occupation from Pleistocene river terrace and aeolian sediments in the Arneiro depression (Lower Tejo River, central eastern Portugal). Geomorphology, vol. 165-166, pp. 78-90.