937 resultados para Keith, William, 1838-1911.
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Concert Program for Noon Concert, William Bolcom, Harrison Ryker, Bruce Bailey, February 1, 1966
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Concert Program for New Music by Young composers, performed by Members of the Contemporary Group, December 4, 1978
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Concert Program for New Music by Young composers, performed by Members of the Contemporary Group, May 31, 1978
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The Birkbeck Freehold Land and Building Societies were launched in 1851 in the London Mechanics’ Institute, secured its survival, and eventually replaced its premises with the architectural ‘phantasmagoria’ of the Birkbeck Bank. Prior to its collapse in 1911 ‘the Birkbeck’ was a major element in the English property based financial system and contributed significantly to the suburban growth of London. The Institute, Societies and Bank shared a Utilitarian vision of social progress through self-help that was at times hotly contested by the radical champions of the social classes that they were initially formed to assist. Their parallel histories are attested today by ‘Birkbeck’ toponyms (including roads, pubs and a railway station) in the London landscape.
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Dissertação apresentada à Escola Superior de Comunicação Social como parte dos requisitos para obtenção de grau de mestre em Jornalismo.
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Relatório de Estágio submetido à Escola Superior de Teatro e Cinema para cumprimento dos requisitos necessários à obtenção do grau de Mestre em Teatro - especialização em Encenação.
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A velhice é um tema que emerge com frequência nas obras de William Shakespeare e de Eugénio de Andrade, sempre num tom disfórico. Em ambos, a última das sete idades do ser humano, acarreta uma série de consequências negativas: a) A beleza é efémera e os amantes abandonam; b) O declínio físico e mental é inevitável; c) Na fase final da vida, sobrevém o temor da morte. Para expressarem o efeito da senectude, Shakespeare e Eugénio recorrem a comparações semelhantes entre o ser humano e o Outono (velhice) e o Inverno (morte). Neste artigo, numa perspectiva comparada e intertextual, exemplifico e analiso essas melancólicas e dolorosas imagens. Para tanto, recorro à obra dos dois escritores, à opinião de ensaístas reputados na área dos estudos literários e da psicologia da morte e, naturalmente, à minha opinião.
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Dissertação de Mestrado em Estudos Anglo-Portugueses
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Tese apresentada para cumprimento dos requisitos necessários à obtenção do grau de Doutor em História da Arte Contemporânea
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The term res publica (literally “thing of the people”) was coined by the Romans to translate the Greek word politeia, which, as we know, referred to a political community organised in accordance with certain principles, amongst which the notion of the “good life” (as against exclusively private interests) was paramount. This ideal also came to be known as political virtue. To achieve it, it was necessary to combine the best of each “constitutional” type and avoid their worst aspects (tyranny, oligarchy and ochlocracy). Hence, the term acquired from the Greeks a sense of being a “mixed” and “balanced” system. Anyone that was entitled to citizenship could participate in the governance of the “public thing”. This implied the institutionalization of open debate and confrontation between interested parties as a way of achieving the consensus necessary to ensure that man the political animal, who fought with words and reason, prevailed over his “natural” counterpart. These premises lie at the heart of the project which is now being presented under the title of Res Publica: Citizenship and Political Representation in Portugal, 1820-1926. The fact that it is integrated into the centenary commemorations of the establishment of the Republic in Portugal is significant, as it was the idea of revolution – with its promise of rupture and change – that inspired it. However, it has also sought to explore events that could be considered the precursor of democratization in the history of Portugal, namely the vintista, setembrista and patuleia revolutions. It is true that the republican regime was opposed to the monarchic. However, although the thesis that monarchy would inevitably lead to tyranny had held sway for centuries, it had also been long believed that the monarchic system could be as “politically virtuous” as a republic (in the strict sense of the word) provided that power was not concentrated in the hands of a single individual. Moreover, various historical experiments had shown that republics could also degenerate into Caesarism and different kinds of despotism. Thus, when absolutism began to be overturned in continental Europe in the name of the natural rights of man and the new social pact theories, initiating the difficult process of (written) constitutionalization, the monarchic principle began to be qualified as a “monarchy hedged by republican institutions”, a situation in which not even the king was exempt from isonomy. This context justifies the time frame chosen here, as it captures the various changes and continuities that run through it. Having rejected the imperative mandate and the reinstatement of the model of corporative representation (which did not mean that, in new contexts, this might not be revived, or that the second chamber established by the Constitutional Charter of 1826 might not be given another lease of life), a new power base was convened: national sovereignty, a precept that would be shared by the monarchic constitutions of 1822 and 1838, and by the republican one of 1911. This followed the French example (manifested in the monarchic constitution of 1791 and in the Spanish constitution of 1812), as not even republicans entertained a tradition of republicanism based upon popular sovereignty. This enables us to better understand the rejection of direct democracy and universal suffrage, and also the long incapacitation (concerning voting and standing for office) of the vast body of “passive” citizens, justified by “enlightened”, property- and gender-based criteria. Although the republicans had promised in the propaganda phase to alter this situation, they ultimately failed to do so. Indeed, throughout the whole period under analysis, the realisation of the potential of national sovereignty was mediated above all by the individual citizen through his choice of representatives. However, this representation was indirect and took place at national level, in the hope that action would be motivated not by particular local interests but by the common good, as dictated by reason. This was considered the only way for the law to be virtuous, a requirement that was also manifested in the separation and balance of powers. As sovereignty was postulated as single and indivisible, so would be the nation that gave it soul and the State that embodied it. Although these characteristics were common to foreign paradigms of reference, in Portugal, the constitutionalization process also sought to nationalise the idea of Empire. Indeed, this had been the overriding purpose of the 1822 Constitution, and it persisted, even after the loss of Brazil, until decolonization. Then, the dream of a single nation stretching from the Minho to Timor finally came to an end.
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Esta dissertação tem como tema a Sociedade Propaganda de Portugal, associação fundada em 1906 e que constituiu uma primeira experiência de introdução de uma aposta articulada na actividade turística em Portugal. Mais do que isso, a Propaganda de Portugal apresentou uma proposta ambiciosa e coerente de modernização do país, aspecto que preside à análise da actividade que desenvolveu ao longo dos seus primeiros anos de existência. O trabalho abre com uma análise do percurso do fundador, Leonildo de Mendonça e Costa, e de que forma este influenciou a criação da Sociedade, sendo depois analisado todo o processo de fundação, enquadrado no Portugal de 1900, bem como a evolução da Sociedade em termos de membros, liderança e discurso. A análise do projecto de modernização ocupa a maior parte do trabalho, separada pelas diversas áreas de actuação: transportes, serviços, melhoramentos, hotelaria, estâncias e propaganda; prestando-se a devida atenção às formas de actuação que privilegiou e à distância que se verificou entre projectos e realizações, bem como às causas dessa distância.
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Kuopion kartta. 1 kartta : vär. ; 41,2 x 55,6 cm, lehti 45 x 60 cm. - Mittakaava: [1:8000]. - Sisältää luettelon julkisista rakennuksista.
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Claes Wilhelm Gyldén (1802-1872) oli maanmittauksen ja metsänhoidon ylihallituksen ylitirehtööri vuosina 1854-72. Ylitirehtööri omisti paljon aikaansa metsänhoidon ja maanjakotoiminnan lisäksi myös maamme kartastotoiminnalle. Hän julkaisi vuonna 1853 Suomenmaan korko-kartan, joka on maailman ensimmäisiä korkeusvyöhykekarttoja. Myös Suomen yleiskartan 1:400 000 (Karta över Finland) ensimmäisen painoksen karttalehdet painettiin vuosina 1864-1872 hänen johtajakaudellaan. Vuosina 1837-1843 toimiessaan maanmittausinsinöörinä maanmittaushallituksessa C. W. Gyldén julkaisi Suomen kaikkien silloisten kaupunkien kaupunkikartat, yhteensä 31 karttalehteä. Nämä asemakaavakartat painettiin kaikki samassa koossa 50,8 x 65,9 cm. Tästä johtuen karttojen mittakaavat vaihtelivat asteikkojen 1:3200 – 1:10000 välillä. Kaupungin asemakaavan lisäksi jokaisessa kartassa on yleissilmäyskartta, julkisten rakennusten luettelo sekä niiden sijainti. Lisäksi hän julkaisi vuonna 1844 näiden kaupunkien historiaa ja tilastotietoja kuvaavan selityskirjan.