Basement membrane and provisional matrix components (collagen type IV, laminins and von Willebrand factor) in rheumatoid arthritis and Sjögren s syndrome

The aim of this study was twofold- Firstly, to determine the composition of the type IV collagen which are the major components of the basement membrane (BM), in the synovial lining of the rheumatoid arthritis (RA) patient and in the BM in the labial salivary gland of the Sjögrens syndrome (SS) patient. Secondly, this thesis aimed to investigate the role of the BM component laminin α4 and laminin α5 in the migration of neutrophils from the blood vessels thorough the synovial lining layer into synovial fluid and the presence of vWF in the microvasculature of labial salivary gland in SS. Our studies showed that certain α chains type IV collagen are low in RA compared to control synovial linings, while laminin α5 exhibited a pattern of low expression regions at the synovial lining interface towards the joint cavity and fluid. Also, high numbers of macrophage-like lining cells containing MMP-9 were found in the lining. MMP-9 was also found in the synovial fluid. Collagen α1/2 (IV) mRNA was found to be present in high amount compared to the other α(IV) chains and also showed intense labelling in immunohistochemical staining in normal and SS patients. In healthy glands α5(IV) and α6(IV) chains were found to be continuous around ducts but discontinuous around acini. The α5(IV) and α6(IV) mRNAs were present in LSG explants and HSG cell line, while in SS these chains seemed to be absent or appear only in patches around the ductal BM and tended to be absent around acini in immunohistochemical staining, indicating that their synthesis and/or degradation seemed to be locally regulated around acinar cells. The provisional matrix component vWF serves as a marker of vascular damage. Microvasculature in SS showed signs of focal damage which in turn might impair arteriolar feeding, capillary transudation and venular drainage of blood. However, capillary density was not decreased but rather increased, perhaps as a result of angiogenesis compensatory to microvascular damage. Microvascular involvement of LSG may contribute to the pathogenesis of this syndrome. This twofold approach allows us to understand the intricate relation between the ECM components and the immunopathological changes that occur during the pathogenesis of these inflammatory rheumatic disease processes. Also notably this study highlights the importance of maintaining a healthy ECM to prevent the progression or possibly allow reversal of the disease to a considerable level. Furthermore, it can be speculated that a healthy BM could quarantine the inflamed region or in case of cancer cells barricade the movement of malignant cells thereby preventing further spread to the surrounding areas. This understanding can be further applied to design appropriate drugs which act specifically to maintain a proper BM/BM like intercellular matrix composition.

Humanitaarisuuden varjossa : Poliittiset tekijät lastensiirroissa Ruotsiin sotiemme aikana ja niiden jälkeen

The evacuation of Finnish children to Sweden during WW II has often been called a small migration . Historical research on this subject is scarce, considering the great number of children involved. The present research has applied, apart from the traditional archive research, the framework of history-culture developed by Rüsen in order to have an all-inclusive approach to the impact of this historical event. The framework has three dimensions: political, aesthetic and cognitive. The collective memory of war children has also been discussed. The research looks for political factors involved in the evacuations during the Winter War and the Continuation War and the post-war period. The approach is wider than a purely humanitarian one. Political factors have had an impact in both Finland and Sweden, beginning from the decision-making process and ending with the discussion of the unexpected consequences of the evacuations in the Finnish Parliament in 1950. The Winter War (30.11.1939 13.3.1940) witnessed the first child transports. These were also the model for future decision making. The transports were begun on the initiative of Swedes Maja Sandler, the wife of the resigned minister of foreign affairs Rickard Sandler, and Hanna Rydh-Munck af Rosenschöld , but this activity was soon accepted by the Swedish government because the humanitarian help in the form of child transports lightened the political burden of Prime Minister Hansson, who was not willing to help Finland militarily. It was help that Finland never asked for and it was rejected at the beginning. The negative response of Minister Juho Koivisto was not taken very seriously. The political forces in Finland supporting child transports were stronger than those rejecting them. The major politicians in support belonged to Finland´s Swedish minority. In addition, close to 1 000 Finnish children remained in Sweden after the Winter War. No analysis was made of the reasons why these children did not return home. A committee set up to help Finland and Norway was established in Sweden in 1941. Its chairman was Torsten Nothin, an influential Swedish politician. In December 1941 he appealed to the Swedish government to provide help to Finnish children under the authority of The International Red Cross. This plea had no results. The delivery of great amounts of food to Finland, which was now at war with Great Britain, had automatically caused reactions among the allies against the Swedish imports through Gothenburg. This included the import of oil, which was essential for the Swedish navy and air force. Oil was later used successfully to force a reduction in commerce between Sweden and Finland. The contradiction between Sweden´s essential political interests and humanitarian help was solved in a way that did not harm the country´s vital political interests. Instead of delivering help to Finland, Finnish children were transported to Sweden through the organisations that had already been created. At the beginning of the Continuation War (25.6.1941 27.4.1945) negative opinion regarding child transports re-emerged in Finland. Karl-August Fagerholm implemented the transports in September 1941. In 1942, members of the conservative parties in the Finnish Parliament expressed their fear of losing the children to the Swedes. They suggested that Finland should withdraw from the inter-Nordic agreement, according to which the adoptions were approved by the court of the country where the child resided. This initiative failed. Paavo Virkkunen, an influential member of the conservative party Kokoomus in Finland, favoured the so-called good-father system, where help was delivered to Finland in the form of money and goods. Virkkunen was concerned about the consequences of a long stay in a Swedish family. The risk of losing the children was clear. The extreme conservative party (IKL, the Patriotic Movement of the Finnish People) wanted to alienate Finland from Sweden and bring Finland closer to Germany. Von Blücher, the German ambassador to Finland, had in his report to Berlin, mentioned the political consequences of the child transports. Among other things, they would bring Finland and Sweden closer to each other. He had also paid attention to the Nordic political orientation in Finland. He did not question or criticize the child transports. His main interest was to increase German political influence in Finland, and the Nordic political orientation was an obstacle. Fagerholm was politically ill-favoured by the Germans, because he had a strong Nordic political disposition and had criticised Germany´s activities in Norway. The criticism of child transports was at the same time criticism of Fagerholm. The official censorship organ of the Finnish government (VTL) denied the criticism of child transports in January 1942. The reasons were political. Statements made by members of the Finnish Parliament were also censored, because it was thought that they would offend the Swedes. In addition, the censorship organ used child transports as a means of active propaganda aimed at improving the relations between the two countries. The Finnish Parliament was informed in 1948 that about 15 000 Finnish children still remained in Sweden. These children would stay there permanently. In 1950 the members of the Agrarian Party in Finland stated that Finland should actively strive to get the children back. The party on the left (SKDL, the Democratic Movement of Finnish People) also focused on the unexpected consequences of the child transports. The Social Democrats, and largely Fagerholm, had been the main force in Finland behind the child transports. Members of the SKDL, controlled by Finland´s Communist Party, stated that the war time authorities were responsible for this war loss. Many of the Finnish parents could not get their children back despite repeated requests. The discussion of the problem became political, for example von Born, a member of the Swedish minority party RKP, related this problem to foreign policy by stating that the request to repatriate the Finnish children would have negative political consequences for the relations between Finland and Sweden. He emphasized expressing feelings of gratitude to the Swedes. After the war a new foreign policy was established by Prime Minister (1944 1946) and later President (1946 1956) Juho Kusti Paasikivi. The main cornerstone of this policy was to establish good relations with the Soviet Union. The other, often forgotten, cornerstone was to simultaneously establish good relations with other Nordic countries, especially Sweden, as a counterbalance. The unexpected results of the child evacuation, a Swedish initiative, had violated the good relations with Sweden. The motives of the Democratic Movement of Finnish People were much the same as those of the Patriotic Movement of Finnish People. Only the ideology was different. The Nordic political orientation was an obstacle to both parties. The position of the Democratic Movement of Finnish People was much better than that of the Patriotic Movement of Finnish People, because now one could clearly see the unexpected results, which included human tragedy for the many families who could not be re-united with their children despite their repeated requests. The Swedes questioned the figure given to the Finnish Parliament regarding the number of children permanently remaining in Sweden. This research agrees with the Swedes. In a calculation based on Swedish population registers, the number of these children is about 7 100. The reliability of this figure is increased by the fact that the child allowance programme began in Sweden in 1948. The prerequisite to have this allowance was that the child be in the Swedish population register. It was not necessary for the child to have Swedish nationality. The Finnish Parliament had false information about the number of Finnish children who remained in Sweden in 1942 and in 1950. There was no parliamentary control in Finland regarding child transports, because the decision was made by one cabinet member and speeches by MPs in the Finnish Parliament were censored, like all criticism regarding child transports to Sweden. In Great Britain parliamentary control worked better throughout the whole war, because the speeches regarding evacuation were not censored. At the beginning of the war certain members of the British Labour Party and the Welsh Nationalists were particularly outspoken about the scheme. Fagerholm does not discuss to any great extent the child transports in his memoirs. He does not evaluate the process and results as a whole. This research provides some possibilities for an evaluation of this sort. The Swedish medical reports give a clear picture of the physical condition of the Finnish children when arriving in Sweden. The transports actually revealed how bad the situation of the poorest children was. According to Titmuss, similar observations were made in Great Britain during the British evacuations. The child transports saved the lives of approximately 2 900 children. Most of these children were removed to Sweden to receive treatment for illnesses, but many among the healthy children were undernourished and some suffered from the effects of tuberculosis. The medical inspection in Finland was not thorough. If you compare the figure of 2 900 children saved and returned with the figure of about 7 100 children who remained permanently in Sweden, you may draw the conclusion that Finland as a country failed to benefit from the child transports, and that the whole operation was a political mistake with far-reaching consequenses. The basic goal of the operation was to save lives and have all the children return to Finland after the war. The difficulties with the repatriation of the children were mainly psychological. The level of child psychology in Finland at that time was low. One may question the report by Professor Martti Kaila regarding the adaptation of children to their families back in Finland. Anna Freud´s warnings concerning the difficulties that arise when child evacuees return are also valid in Finland. Freud viewed the emotional life of children in a way different from Kaila: the physical survival of a small child forces her to create strong emotional ties to the person who is looking after her. This, a characteristic of all small children, occurred with the Finnish children too, and it was something the political decision makers in Finland could not see during and after the war. It is a characteristic of all little children. Yet, such experiences were already evident during the Winter War. The best possible solution had been to limit the child transports only to children in need of medical treatment. Children from large and poor families had been helped by organising meals and by buying food from Denmark with Swedish money. Assisting Finland by all possible means should have been the basic goal of Fagerholm in September 1941, when the offer of child transports came from Sweden. Fagerholm felt gratitude towards the Swedes. The risks became clear to him only in 1943. The war children are today a rather scattered and diffuse group of people. Emotionally, part of these children remained in Sweden after the war. There is no clear collective memory, only individual memories; the collective memory of the war children has partly been shaped later through the activities of the war child associations. The main difference between the children evacuated in Finland (for example from Karelia to safer areas with their families) and the war children, who were sent abroad, is that the war children lack a shared story and experience with their families. They were outsiders . The whole matter is sensitive to many of such mothers and discussing the subject has often been avoided in families. The war-time censorship has continued in families through silence and avoidance and Finnish politicians and Finnish families had to face each other on this issue after the war. The lack of all-inclusive historical research has also prevented the formation of a collective awareness among war children returned to Finland or those remaining permanently abroad.. Knowledge of historical facts will help war-children by providing an opportunity to create an all-inclusive approach to the past. Personal experiences should be regarded as part of a large historical entity shadowed by war and where many political factors were at work in both Finland and Sweden. This means strengthening of the cognitive dimension discussed in Rüsen´s all-inclusive historical approach.

Zur Wiedergabe von Helsinkier Toponymen in den deutschen Übersetzungen von drei finnischen Romanen

Tutkielma keskittyy tarkastelemaan, kuinka Helsingin erilaiset paikannimet on välitetty kaunokirjallisuuden saksannoksissa kohdekieliselle lukijalle. Helsingin paikannimiin lukeutuvat tutkielmassa mm. Helsingissä tai pääkau-punkiseudulla sijaitsevien katujen, kaupunginosien, tunnettujen tavaratalojen ja ravintoloiden, julkisten rakennusten ja patsaiden nimet. Tutkimusmateriaalina on kolme suomenkielistä romaania ja niiden saksankieliset käännökset: Joel Haahtelan Perhoskerääjä (Der Schmetterlingssammler), Kari Hotakaisen Juoksuhaudantie (Aus dem Leben eines unglücklichen Mannes) ja Outi Pakkasen Punainen pallotuoli (Der rote Sessel). Yhteistä näille kolmelle kaunokirjalliselle teokselle on, että niiden tapahtumat sijoittuvat Helsinkiin. Tutkimusmateriaalin keskeisenä valintakriteerinä on ollut, että kunkin romaanin on saksantanut eri kääntäjä. Tutkielman tarkoitus on havainnollistaa esimerkein deskriptiivis-kvalitatiivisesti, kuinka kääntäjä voi toimia, kun lähtöteksti sisältää pulmia tuottavia kulttuurisidonnaisia paikannimiä. Tutkielman teoriaosuudessa tarkastellaan paikannimiä kulttuurisidonnaisina käännösongelmina sekä esitellään, millaisia funktioita paikannimillä voi olla kaunokirjallisessa teoksessa. Teoriaosuudessa pohditaan myös aiempien teorioiden avulla, ovatko paikannimet ylipäätään käännettävissä vieraalle kielelle. Lisäksi esitetään käännöstieteellisiä näkemyksiä siitä, kuinka kääntäjän olisi välitettävä kaunokirjallisen lähtötekstin paikannimet kohdekieleen. Helsingin katujen nimeämisperiaatteita esitellään lyhyesti historian ja nykyajan valossa keskittyen tutkielman kannalta relevantteihin nimiin. Tutkimusmateriaalin analyysin yhtenä perustana on Bödekerin ja Freesen (1987) luoma prototypologia, jossa käännösratkaisuja tarkastellaan ensin leksikaalisella tasolla ja sitten lähtö- ja kohdekielen välisenä etäisyytenä. Kujamäki (1998) on omassa tutkimuksessaan kehittänyt tätä prototypologiaa eteenpäin sulauttamalla yhteen nämä molemmat ulottuvuudet. Samalla hän on jakanut käännösstrategiat yksityiskohtaisempiin luokkiin: vieras-sanalaina (Fremdwortübernahme), käännöslaina (Lehnübersetzung), selittävä kääntäminen (erklärendes Übersetzen), analogia (Anwendung einer Analogie in der Zielsprache), hyperonyyminen käännös (hyperonymische Übersetzung), kohyponyyminen käännös (kohyponymische Übersetzung), assosioiva käännös (assoziative Übersetzung), poisto (Auslassung) ja lisäys (Hinzufügung), jotka toimivat tässä tutkielmassa käännösratkaisujen tarkastelun lähtökohtana. Kujamäen (1998) luokituksesta poiketen lisään luokitukseen puolittaisen käännöslainan (Halblehnübersetzung), määrittelen selittävän kääntämisen luokan siten, että siihen sisältyvät sekä eksplikaatio (Explikation) että kiertoilmaus (Umschreibung), ja jätän Kujamäen käyttämän lisäyksen pois. Analyysissä pyritään esittelemään kulloisenkin paikannimen funktio tekstiympäristössään, minkä pohjalta tarkastellaan kääntäjien tekemiä ratkaisuja. Edellä mainitun luokituksen ohella tuon jokaisen käännösratkaisun kohdalla esiin Bödekerin ja Freesen (1987) luokituksen mukaisen luokkayhdistelmän, jota kulloinenkin kääntäjän tekemä valinta edustaa. Lopputuloksena on pääteltävissä, että ensisijaisesti paikannimen funktio tekstissä vaikuttaa siihen, kuinka nimi välitetään käännöksessä kohdekieliselle lukijalle. Lopuksi todetaan vielä, ettei tämän tutkielman perusteella voi antaa suosituksia, kuinka tulisi toimia välitettäessä kaunokirjallisen tekstin paikannimiä kohdekieleen, vaan tarkoitus havainnollistaa, mitä mahdollisuuksia kääntäjällä on, ja jokainen ratkaisu on punnittava kontekstissaan.

Analysing local algorithms in location-aware quasi-unit-disk graphs

A local algorithm with local horizon r is a distributed algorithm that runs in r synchronous communication rounds; here r is a constant that does not depend on the size of the network. As a consequence, the output of a node in a local algorithm only depends on the input within r hops from the node. We give tight bounds on the local horizon for a class of local algorithms for combinatorial problems on unit-disk graphs (UDGs). Most of our bounds are due to a refined analysis of existing approaches, while others are obtained by suggesting new algorithms. The algorithms we consider are based on network decompositions guided by a rectangular tiling of the plane. The algorithms are applied to matching, independent set, graph colouring, vertex cover, and dominating set. We also study local algorithms on quasi-UDGs, which are a popular generalisation of UDGs, aimed at more realistic modelling of communication between the network nodes. Analysing the local algorithms on quasi-UDGs allows one to assume that the nodes know their coordinates only approximately, up to an additive error. Despite the localisation error, the quality of the solution to problems on quasi-UDGs remains the same as for the case of UDGs with perfect location awareness. We analyse the increase in the local horizon that comes along with moving from UDGs to quasi-UDGs.

The German Military Entrepreneur Ernst von Mansfeld and His Conduct of Asymmetrical Warfare in the Thirty Years War

The dissertation examines aspects of asymmetrical warfare in the war-making of the German military entrepreneur Ernst von Mansfeld during his involvement in the Thirty Years War. Due to the nature of the inquiry, which combines history with military-political theory, the methodological approach of the dissertation is interdisciplinary. The theoretical framework used is that of asymmetrical warfare. The primary sources used in the dissertation are mostly political pamphlets and newsletters. Other sources include letters, documents, and contemporaneous chronicles. The secondary sources are divided into two categories, literature on the history of the Thirty Years War and textbooks covering the theory of asymmetrical warfare. The first category includes biographical works on Ernst von Mansfeld, as well as general histories of the Thirty Years War and seventeenth-century warfare. The second category combines military theory and political science. The structure of the dissertation consists of eight lead chapters, including an introduction and conclusion. The introduction covers the theoretical approach and aims of the dissertation, and provides a brief overlook of the sources and previous research on Ernst von Mansfeld and asymmetrical warfare in the Thirty Years War. The second chapter covers aspects of Mansfeld s asymmetrical warfare from the perspective of operational art. The third chapter investigates the illegal and immoral aspects of Mansfeld s war-making. The fourth chapter compares the differing methods by which Mansfeld and his enemies raised and financed their armies. The fifth chapter investigates Mansfeld s involvement in indirect warfare. The sixth chapter presents Mansfeld as an object and an agent of image and information war. The seventh chapter looks into the counter-reactions, which Mansfeld s asymmetrical warfare provoked from his enemies. The eighth chapter offers a conclusion of the findings. The dissertation argues that asymmetrical warfare presented itself in all the aforementioned areas of Mansfeld s conduct during the Thirty Years War. The operational asymmetry arose from the freedom of movement that Mansfeld enjoyed, while his enemies were constrained by the limits of positional warfare. As a non-state operator Mansfeld was also free to flout the rules of seventeenth-century warfare, which his enemies could not do with equal ease. The raising and financing of military forces was another source of asymmetry, because the nature of early seventeenth-century warfare favoured private military entrepreneurs rather than embryonic fiscal-military states. The dissertation also argues that other powers fought their own asymmetrical and indirect wars against the Habsburgs through Mansfeld s agency. Image and information were asymmetrical weapons, which were both aimed against Mansfeld and utilized by him. Finally, Mansfeld s asymmetrical threat forced the Habsburgs to adapt to his methods, which ultimately lead to the formation of a subcontracted Imperial Army under the management and leadership of Albrecht von Wallenstein. Therefore Mansfeld s asymmetrical warfare ultimately paved way for the kind of state-monopolized, organised, and symmetrical warfare that has prevailed from 1648 onwards. The conclusion is that Mansfeld s conduct in the Thirty Years War matched the criteria for asymmetrical warfare. While traditional historiography treated Mansfeld as an anomaly in the age of European state formation, his asymmetrical warfare has begun to bear resemblance to the contemporary conflicts, where nation states no longer hold the monopoly of violence.

"Die Barbaren werden von Russen gespielt" : Etniset hahmot Wladimir Kaminerin kertomuskokoelmissa "Russendisko" ja "Mein deutsches Dschungelbuch"

Pro gradu -tutkielmassani tarkastelen hahmojen etnisyyttä Wladimir Kaminerin kahdessa kertomuskokoelmassa. Kaminerin, saksalaistuneen venäjänjuutalaisen, esikoisteos Russendisko kuvaa kertojan kotiutumista itäiseen Berliiniin sekä värikästä arkea monikulttuurisessa pääkaupungissa. Mein deutsches Dschungelbuchissa Kaminer matkustaa ympäri Saksaa esittämässä tekstejään ja kirjoittaa havainnoistaan kirjaa. Vitsikkään tyylin lisäksi kokoelmien kertomuksia yhdistävänä tekijänä toimii autobiografisia piirteitä omaava kertojahahmo, yleensä nimettyjä etnisyyksiä edustavien ja ohueksi jäävien sivuhenkilöiden tullessa ja mennessä. Näistä piirteistä nousevat tutkielmani kaksi näkökulmaa etnisyyteen: tutkin, miten etnisyys suhteutuu ensinnäkin kertojahahmoon ja toiseksi eri ihmisryhmien stereotyyppiseen esittämiseen. Tutkielmani lähtökohtana on käsitys etnisyydestä – kuulumisesta johonkin kansaan tai heimoon – luonnollisen sijasta kulttuurisesti konstruoituna ilmiönä. Kertojahahmon etnisyyden tutkimisessa hyödynnän hybridin käsitettä, jolla viitataan selvärajaisten etnisyyksien sijaan niiden sekoittumiseen. Kertojahahmon juutalaisuus paljastuu useiden diskurssien jännitteiseksi risteyspaikaksi: kertojahahmo vastustaa pyrkimyksiä kiinnittää itseään uskonnollisesti ja kulttuurisesti rajattuun etniseen kompleksiin, mutta yhdistyy kaupunkielämästä inspiraationsa löytävänä individualistisena intellektuellina urbaanin juutalaiskirjallisuuden traditioon. Kertojahahmon etnisyyden ulottuvuuksista korostuu teksteissä selkeimmin venäläisyys, joka osoittautuu tietoisen performatiiviseksi ja saksalaisille suunnatuksi. Kielellisesti assimiloituneen mutta venäläisenä esiintyvän kertojahahmon asema useampien etnisyyksien kartoittamattomassa välitilassa avaa mahdollisuuden pinttyneiden etnisten vastakkainasetteluiden kritiikille. Kertojahahmo sijoittaa itsensä intertekstuaaliseen tilaan tavalla, joka kyseenalaistaa korkeakulttuuristen kaanonien lisäksi ajatuksen puhtaista kansallisista kirjallisuuksista. Relevantiksi kehykseksi Kaminerin tekstien tulkinnassa osoittautuukin transeurooppalainen pikareski-genre, jonka veijarisankareita naiivin ulkopuolisuutensa satiirin palvelukseen valjastava kertojahahmo läheisesti muistuttaa. Kertojahahmon hybridi etnisyys on yhteydessä myös siihen, miten tekstien oletetaan esittävän ja edustavan erilaisia ihmisryhmiä: se mahdollistaa hankalienkin teemojen häpeilemättömän käsittelyn. Etnisiä stereotypioita – etnistä ryhmää koskevia pinttyneitä representaatioita, joihin ihmiset turvautuvat pyrkiessään selittämään tai hallitsemaan toisia – tarkastelen imagologian ja kriittisen kulttuurintutkimuksen välinein. Etniset stereotypiat ovatkin keskeisiä Kaminerin rakentaessa lukuisia sivuhenkilöitään, jotka pelkistyvät useimmiten litteiksi, jopa karikatyyrinomaisiksi etnisyyksiensä edustajiksi. Kaminerin tekstit kiertyvät kuitenkin myös samaisten etnisten stereotypioiden satiiriksi. Yhtäältä ironian kohteena on stereotyypittelyn prosessi, jossa toisen määrittely essentialistisin termein ja yleistyksien kautta johtaa absurdeihinkin virhetulkintoihin. Toisaalta kertojahahmon toteava kuvailutapa paljastaa etnisten stereotypioiden haitalliset yhteiskunnalliset vaikutukset. Kaminerin satiirin terä kohdistuu kantasaksalaisiin, jotka näkevät muut etnisyydet pitkälti omia tarpeitaan, pelkojaan ja fantasioitaan palvelevien stereotypioiden kautta. Tutkielmani kuitenkin osoittaa, että maahanmuuttajataustaiset henkilöhahmot kykenevät myös tuotteistamaan etnisiä stereotypioita – toki ahtaissa, yhteiskunnallisten valtarakenteiden määrittämissä rajoissa. Olennaista on etnisiin stereotypioihin sisältyvä kaksiteräisyys: sama ennakko-oletusten kimppu saatetaan yhteydestä riippuen esittää ja tulkita joko negatiiviseksi tai positiiviseksi. Kaminerin tekstit tarjoavat huumorin kautta luvallisen kanavan käsitellä ja purkaa etnisyyden akseleilla liikkuvia odotuksia, pelkoja ja aggressioita, jotka ovat pitkään olleet lähes tabuja saksalaisessa yhteiskunnassa. Samalla Kaminerin tekstit puhuvat sellaisen maailman puolesta, jossa etnisyys pikemminkin mahdollistaisi kuin sitoisi inhimillistä vuorovaikutusta.