Crimes de maio : estigmas e memórias da democracia das chacinas

Dissertação (mestrado)—Universidade de Brasília, Instituto de Ciências Sociais, Centro de Pesquisa e Pós-Graduação sobre as Américas, Programa de Pós-Graduação em Estudos Comparados sobre as Américas, 2016.

Building G20 outreach: The role of transnational policy networks in sustaining effective and legitimate summitry

G20 outreach processes, in the form of the Think 20, Labour 20, Business 20, and Civil 20, Youth 20, and Women 20, are a formal attempt by G20 leaders to engage various social sectors with G20 policymaking. This essay contends that G20 outreach processes are best understood as transnational policy networks, which are involved in widening the field of policy communication and deliberation. The importance of these transnational policy networks rest upon their role in developing and disseminating G20 policy priorities and principles; and are an attempt to enhance the legitimacy and influence of the G20 and its policy proposals.

"We agree that, in order to strengthen its ability to build and sustain the political consensus needed to respond to challenges, the G20 must remain efficient, transparent and accountable. To achieve this, we decide to … pursue consistent and effective engagement with non-members, regional and international organisations, including the United Nations, and other actors, and we welcome their contribution to our work as appropriate. We also encourage engagement with civil society.G20 Cannes Summit Final Declaration 2011 (G20 2011)"

The difficulty in balancing the effectiveness and representativeness of the Group of Twenty (G20) has led to sustained questions about its legitimacy (Cooper 2010; Rudd 2011; Cooper and Pouliot 2015). Consequently, while leaders have long sought external advice about the agendas of Group of Seven (G7) summits since 1975, and about the G20 finance ministers and central bank governors’ meetings (G20 FM/CBG) since 1999, there has been intensification, elaboration, and institutionalization of transnational networks of policymakers with respect to the G20 in recent years. These networks are especially evident in the form of the G20 working groups and G20 outreach processes involved in the G20 FM/CBG and the G20 leaders’ forum created in 2008.

G20 working groups include transgovernmental groups of government officials and outside experts within a specific policy area who are charged with preparing material for G20 deliberations. G20 outreach processes are a recent and more formal attempt by G20 leaders to engage various social sectors with the policymaking activity of the G20 and were first considered by the G20 membership in 2010 with a more formal engagement with business interests. This led to the formal development of G20 outreach groups in 2013 in the form of the Think 20 (think tanks), Labour 20, Business 20, Civil 20 and Youth 20, which include representatives from these sectors. In 2015, a Women 20 outreach group was also added. These outreach processes are best understood as transnational policy networks which have been built to support the G20’s capacity to be effective and legitimate.

This essay focuses on G20 outreach processes and examines why and how the G20 has sought to augment its intergovernmental summitry and transgovernmental working groups with transnational policy networks, purposely involving a range of societal interests. Transnational policy networks demonstrate the existence of policymaking practices which include the policy influence of experts and advocates outside government. These networks also indicate the ways in which governments, International Governmental Organizations (IGOs) and summits like the G20 engage society, or where elements of society engage themselves with the policymaking process (Stone 2008). These networks intersect with the intergovernmental activities of leaders and key diplomats, and overlap with the transgovernmental relationships of various levels of government bureaucrats (Baker 2009). One of the principle features of transnational policy networks is the way they create and channel the communication of political ideas and priorities. However, it is important to keep in the mind the purpose and power of actors involved in the network and consider who has the discretion and motivation to create the network in the first instance. As the G20 members stated in 2012, the aspiration for outreach is founded upon an intent to strengthen the G20’s capacity “to build and sustain the political consensus”. Consequently, it is important to consider how the development of transnational policy networks in the form of G20 outreach processes are able to sustain the effectiveness and legitimacy of the G20.

This essay contends that G20 outreach processes are best understood as transnational policy networks. These networks have been built to widen the field of policy communication and deliberation. Furthermore, these outreach processes and networks are an attempt to enhance the legitimacy and influence of the G20 and its policy proposals. While there is no doubt that outreach practices are “ad hoc responses to the widespread charge that the G20 reproduces the politics of exclusion in global governance” (Cooper and Pouliot 2015, 347), these practices have the potential to improve both the effectiveness and legitimacy of the G20. The G20 possesses uncertain legitimacy and members of the G20 demonstrate an awareness of this and a corresponding willingness to actively develop various political practices to support the capacity and legitimacy of the G20.

However, G20 outreach also enables the G20 to place some limit upon the policy narratives and ideas that develop within these policy networks. The G20 is liable to be misunderstood without examining the activity of these transnational networks because the G20 is fundamentally a deliberative policy forum rather than a negotiating forum of binding regulations. Transnational policy networks have the potential to scrutinize and amplify relevant policy ideas and thereby enhance the legitimacy of the G20 and strengthen the capacity of the G20 to address an array of global economic and social problems. However, while some narrative control is important to amplify the G20 agenda, too much narrative control will undermine its legitimacy and capacity to develop broad-based responses to global problems. This essay explores the formation of these transnational policy networks by first outlining the evolution of the purpose and configuration of the G20, then it considers the ways G20 outreach processes constitute transnational policy networks and why they have been established, and lastly, analyses how these networks operate to enhance the legitimacy and effectiveness of the G20.

Confrontation de l'architecture de l'Iran avec la modernité occidentale : constance de la question identitaire

À la fin du 19e siècle, l’Iran commence à se transformer radicalement. Ce changement est le résultat d’un processus de métamorphose socioculturelle, avec le désir d’effacer les méthodes du passé et de recommencer ; une ambition de faire un renouvellement fondamental dans la société, en bénéficiant des grandes idées progressistes de l'Occident moderne. Cette volonté s’est renforcée à la suite des premières visites en Europe d’étudiants et de Nassereddin Shah, le roi de l'Iran, dans les années 1870. Dans ce contexte, les Iraniens et leurs gouvernants, considérant leurs infériorités politico-économiques, ont décidé de remplacer les frustrations internationales par des idées nationalistes et une propagande de suprématie raciale ou religieuse, notamment concertant « l'identité culturelle ». Suivant ces tentatives pour réformer les infrastructures sociopolitiques de l'Iran, tous les domaines culturels du pays, incluant l’architecture, ont été modifiés, selon les idéologies des dirigeants de l’Iran pendant trois périodes historiques du pays : l'époque Qadjar (dès le règne de Nassereddin Shah en 1848), l'époque Pahlavi (1925-1979) et l'époque Post-révolution islamique (1979- jusqu'à présent). L'idée générale de notre mémoire est d'étudier le processus de modernisation de l'architecture de l'Iran, de même que les influences majeures de tous ces changements, concrétisés par des fusions éclectiques et des idées pluralistes – souvent basées sur la politique. De là, en usant des approches de l’histoire sociale et culturelle de l’art, nous analysons des exemples de monuments de l'architecture publique de l'Iran depuis l'entrée de l'Iran dans la modernité, pour chacune des trois périodes mentionnées. Cela, afin de comprendre si les architectes iraniens ont trouvé de nouvelles conceptions pour opérer un déploiement créatif des principes traditionnels et pour trouver de nouvelles orientations dans le processus général de leur évolution architecturale. Autrement dit, nous cherchons à savoir si l'architecture iranienne, avec tous les changements stylistiques dans le processus de conceptualisation, a pu trouver - depuis l'intervention de la modernité occidentale et de l'architecture moderne - son propre langage de la modernité en architecture.

Confrontation de l'architecture de l'Iran avec la modernité occidentale : constance de la question identitaire

À la fin du 19e siècle, l’Iran commence à se transformer radicalement. Ce changement est le résultat d’un processus de métamorphose socioculturelle, avec le désir d’effacer les méthodes du passé et de recommencer ; une ambition de faire un renouvellement fondamental dans la société, en bénéficiant des grandes idées progressistes de l'Occident moderne. Cette volonté s’est renforcée à la suite des premières visites en Europe d’étudiants et de Nassereddin Shah, le roi de l'Iran, dans les années 1870. Dans ce contexte, les Iraniens et leurs gouvernants, considérant leurs infériorités politico-économiques, ont décidé de remplacer les frustrations internationales par des idées nationalistes et une propagande de suprématie raciale ou religieuse, notamment concertant « l'identité culturelle ». Suivant ces tentatives pour réformer les infrastructures sociopolitiques de l'Iran, tous les domaines culturels du pays, incluant l’architecture, ont été modifiés, selon les idéologies des dirigeants de l’Iran pendant trois périodes historiques du pays : l'époque Qadjar (dès le règne de Nassereddin Shah en 1848), l'époque Pahlavi (1925-1979) et l'époque Post-révolution islamique (1979- jusqu'à présent). L'idée générale de notre mémoire est d'étudier le processus de modernisation de l'architecture de l'Iran, de même que les influences majeures de tous ces changements, concrétisés par des fusions éclectiques et des idées pluralistes – souvent basées sur la politique. De là, en usant des approches de l’histoire sociale et culturelle de l’art, nous analysons des exemples de monuments de l'architecture publique de l'Iran depuis l'entrée de l'Iran dans la modernité, pour chacune des trois périodes mentionnées. Cela, afin de comprendre si les architectes iraniens ont trouvé de nouvelles conceptions pour opérer un déploiement créatif des principes traditionnels et pour trouver de nouvelles orientations dans le processus général de leur évolution architecturale. Autrement dit, nous cherchons à savoir si l'architecture iranienne, avec tous les changements stylistiques dans le processus de conceptualisation, a pu trouver - depuis l'intervention de la modernité occidentale et de l'architecture moderne - son propre langage de la modernité en architecture.

Iowa Seat Belt Use Survey 2013 Data Collection Methodology Report, September 26, 2013

In an effort to achieve greater consistency and comparability in state-wide seat belt use reporting, the National Highway Traffic Safety Administration (NHTSA) issued new requirements in 2011 for observing and reporting future seat belt use. The requirements included the involvement of a qualified statistician in the sampling and weighting portions of the process as well as a variety of operational details. The Iowa Governor’s Traffic Safety Bureau contracted with Iowa State University’s Survey & Behavioral Research Services (SBRS) in 2011 to develop the study design and data collection plan for the State of Iowa annual survey that would meet the new requirements of the NHTSA. A seat belt survey plan for Iowa was developed by SBRS with statistical expertise provided by Zhengyuan Zhu, Ph.D., Associate Professor of Statistics at Iowa State University and was approved by NHTSA on March 19, 2012.

Iowa Seat Belt Use Survey 2014 Data Collection Methodology Report, September 25, 2014

In an effort to achieve greater consistency and comparability in state-wide seat belt use reporting, the National Highway Traffic Safety Administration (NHTSA) issued new requirements in 2011 for observing and reporting future seat belt use. The requirements included the involvement of a qualified statistician in the sampling and weighting portions of the process as well as a variety of operational details. The Iowa Governor’s Traffic Safety Bureau contracted with Iowa State University’s Survey & Behavioral Research Services (SBRS) in 2011 to develop the study design and data collection plan for the State of Iowa annual survey that would meet the new requirements of the NHTSA. A seat belt survey plan for Iowa was developed by SBRS with statistical expertise provided by Zhengyuan Zhu, Ph.D., Associate Professor of Statistics at Iowa State University and was approved by NHTSA on March 19, 2012.

Iowa Seat Belt Use Survey 2015 Data Collection Methodology Report, September 9, 2015

In an effort to achieve greater consistency and comparability in state-wide seat belt use reporting, the National Highway Traffic Safety Administration (NHTSA) issued new requirements in 2011 for observing and reporting future seat belt use. The requirements included the involvement of a qualified statistician in the sampling and weighting portions of the process as well as a variety of operational details. The Iowa Governor’s Traffic Safety Bureau contracted with Iowa State University’s Survey & Behavioral Research Services (SBRS) in 2011 to develop the study design and data collection plan for the State of Iowa annual survey that would meet the new requirements of the NHTSA. A seat belt survey plan for Iowa was developed by SBRS with statistical expertise provided by Zhengyuan Zhu, Ph.D., Associate Professor of Statistics at Iowa State University and Director of the Center for Survey Statistics and Methodology. The plan was approved by NHTSA on March 19, 2012.

2016 Road Use Tax Fund (RUTF) Study

A key component of Iowa’s transportation system is the public roadway system owned and maintained by the state, cities and counties. In order to regularly evaluate the conditions of Iowa’s public roadway infrastructure and assess the ability of existing revenues to meet the needs of the system, the Iowa Department of Transportation’s 2006 Road Use Tax Fund (RUTF) report to the legislature included a recommendation that a study be conducted every five years. That recommendation was included in legislation adopted in 2007 and signed into law. The law specifically requires the following (2016 Iowa Code Section 307.31):  “The department shall periodically review the current revenue levels of the road use tax fund and the sufficiency of those revenues for the projected construction and maintenance needs of city, county, and state governments in the future. The department shall submit a written report to the general assembly regarding its findings by December 31 every five years, beginning in 2011. The report may include recommendations concerning funding levels needed to support the future mobility and accessibility for users of Iowa's public road system.”  “The department shall evaluate alternative funding sources for road maintenance and construction and report to the general assembly at least every five years on the advantages and disadvantages and the viability of alternative funding mechanisms.” To comply with this requirement, the Iowa Department of Transportation (DOT) prepared a 2011 RUTF Study (www.iowadot.gov/pdf_files/RUTFStudy2011.pdf). This study relied heavily on the work of the Governor’s Transportation 2020 Citizen Advisory Commission (CAC), established by Governor Terry E. Branstad to assist the Iowa DOT as it assessed the condition of Iowa’s roadway system and evaluated current and future funding available to best address system needs. The 2011 RUTF Study ultimately led to the passage of Senate File 257 in the 2015 legislative session that was signed into law on February 25, 2015. The major component of this bill was the increase of the state fuel tax rate on March 1, 2015, in order to meet the critical need funding shortfall identified in the study. With the recent increase in the state fuel tax rate, jurisdictions across Iowa are now putting those additional funds into road and bridge construction projects. With one full construction season complete following the increase in funding, it is difficult to accurately assess the long-term impact on construction needs. Therefore, this 2016 RUTF Study focuses on the actions taken since the 2011 RUTF Study and on alternative funding mechanisms.

Fiscal Year 2015-16 Accountability Report

Each year the South Carolina Governor’s School for the Arts and Humanities produces an annual accountability report for the South Carolina General Assembly and the Budget and Control Board. Included is an executive summary, organizational profile, and discussion of the elements of the Malcolm Baldrige Award criteria

Fiscal Year 2015-16 Accountability Report

Each year the South Carolina Governor’s School for Science & Mathematics produces an annual accountability report for the South Carolina General Assembly and the Budget and Control Board. Included is an executive summary, organizational profile, and discussion of the elements of the Malcolm Baldrige Award criteria.

Fiscal Year 2015-16 Accountability Report

The South Carolina Office of the Lieutenant Governor reports to the Office of State Budget an annual report that includes a mission statement, program goal, program objectives, and performance measures.

Direct Support Professionals Recognition Week

This proclamation from Governor Nikki Haley proclaims September 11-17, 2016 as Direct Support Professionals Recognition Week.

Ciclos económicos, capital bancario y nuevas opciones de política económica

El objetivo de este trabajo es utilizar algunos hechos estilizados de la "Gran recesión", específicamente la drástica caída en el nivel de capitalización bancario, para analizar la relación entre los ciclos financieros y los ciclos reales, así como la efectividad de la política monetaria no convencional y las políticas macroprudenciales. Para esto, en el primer capítulo se desarrolla una microfundamentación de la banca a partir de un modelo de Costly State Verification, que es incluido posteriomente en distintas especificaciones de modelos DSGE. Los resultados muestran que: (i) los ciclos financieros y los ciclos económicos pueden relacionarse a partir del deterioro del capital bancario; (ii) Las políticas macroprudenciales y no convencionales son efectivas para moderar los ciclos económicos, pero son costosas en términos de recursos e inflación.

Credit spreads and monetary policy in a small open economy: an analysis of the colombian economy

This paper estimates Bejarano and Charry (2014)’s small open economy with financial frictions model for the Colombian economy using Bayesian estimation techniques. Additionally, I compute the welfare gains of implementing an optimal response to credit spreads into an augmented Taylor rule. The main result is that a reaction to credit spreads does not imply significant welfare gains unless the economic disturbances increases its volatility, like the disruption implied by a financial crisis. Otherwise its impact over the macroeconomic variables is null.

Procedimiento sancionatorio de alimentos en el ámbito territorial

El Estado colombiano tiene una capacidad de sanción que ha sido diseñada para ser ejercida por el presidente de la república. En algunas ocasiones gracias a la figura de la delegación se les entregan estas facultades de sanción a los gobernadores, los alcaldes de los distritos y los alcaldes de los municipios, quienes actúan como representantes legales de estas entidades territoriales que hasta la fecha son las únicas que existen en Colombia. El presente trabajo evaluará esa capacidad de sanción en un tema especifico como es el procedimiento sancionatorio de alimentos, procedimiento que es similar en su estructura legal en todas las entidades territoriales, pero que en su aplicación presenta características diferentes, estas diferencias permiten demostrar la hipótesis planteada que los procedimientos sancionatorios en alimentos en las entidades territoriales son débiles, no obstante contar con toda la facultad sancionadora delegada para ejercer esta actividad.