878 resultados para Glass trade


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The total number of CD34+ cells is the most relevant clinical parameter when selecting human umbilical cord blood (HUCB) for transplantation. The objective of the present study was to compare the two most commonly used CD34+ cell quantification methods (ISHAGE protocol and ProCount™ - BD) and analyze the CD34+ bright cells whose 7-amino actinomycin D (7AAD) analysis suggests are apoptotic or dead cells. Twenty-six HUCB samples obtained at the Placental Blood Program of New York Blood Center were evaluated. The absolute numbers of CD34+ cells evaluated by the ISHAGE (with exclusion of 7AAD+ cells) and ProCount™ (with exclusion of CD34+ bright cells) were determined. Using the ISHAGE protocol we found 35.6 ± 19.4 CD34+ cells/µL and with the ProCount™ method we found 36.6 ± 23.2 CD34+ cells/µL. With the ProCount™ method, CD34+ bright cell counts were 9.3 ± 8.2 cells/µL. CD34+ bright and regular cells were individually analyzed by the ISHAGE protocol. Only about 1.8% of the bright CD34+ cells are alive, whereas a small part (19.0%) is undergoing apoptosis and most of them (79.2%) are dead cells. Our study showed that the two methods produced similar results and that 7AAD is important to exclude CD34 bright cells. These results will be of value to assist in the correct counting of CD34+ cells and to choose the best HUCB unit for transplantation, i.e., the unit with the greatest number of potentially viable stem cells for the reconstitution of bone marrow. This increases the likelihood of success of the transplant and, therefore, the survival of the patient.

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Negotiating trade agreements is an important part of government trade policies, economic planning and part of the globally operating trading system of today. European Union and the United States have been active in the formation of trade agreements in global comparison. Now these two economic giants are engaged in negotiations to form their own trade agreement, the so called Transnational Trade and Investment Partnership (TTIP). The purpose of this thesis is to understand the reasons for making a trade agreement between two economic areas and understanding the issues it may include in the case of the TTIP. The TTIP has received a great deal of attention in the media. The opinions towards the partnership have been extreme, and the debate has been heated. The purpose of this study is to introduce the nature of the public discussion regarding the TTIP from Spring 2013 until 2014. The research problem is to find out what are the main issues in the agreement and what are the values influencing them. The study was conducted applying methods of critical discourse analysis to the chosen data. This includes gathering the issues from the data based on the attention each has received in the discussion. The underlying motives for raising different issues were analysed by investigating the authors’ position in the political, economic and social circuits. The perceived economic impacts of the TTIP are also under analysis with the same criteria. Some of the most respected economic newspapers globally were included in the research material as well as papers or reports published by the EU and global organisations. The analysis indicates a clear dichotomy of the attitudes towards the TTIP. Key problems include lack of transparency in the negotiations, the misunderstood investor-state dispute settlement, the constantly expanding regulatory issues and the risk of protectionism. The theory and data does suggest that the removal of tariffs is an effective tool for reaching economic gains in the TTIP and even more effective would be the reducing of non-tariff barriers, such as protectionism. Critics are worried over the rising influence of corporations over governments. The discourse analysis reveals that the supporters of the TTIP have values related to increasing welfare through economic growth. Critics do not deny the economic benefits but raise the question of inequality as a consequence. Overall they represent softer values such as sustainable development and democracy as a counter-attack to the corporate values of efficiency and the maximising of profits.

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The European ambitious targets to increase the share of renewable generation pose a challenge to the generation adequacy. Many European member states are concerned that energy-only markets alone might not be able to deliver sufficient capacity required to meet the future electricity demand and back up shortfalls of energy from renewable energy sources (RES) during periods of low wind and sun. Many EU members consider to re-design their energy-only markets and establish different forms of capacity remunerative mechanisms (CRMs) to maintain the security of supply. There is a certain concern that market design changes at the level of EU member countries might conflict with the European goal of a single market. As soon as many European markets are highly interconnected, uncoordinated CRMs might create negative crossborder effects and hinder the achievement of the Internal Electricity Market in Europe. The pros and cons of capacity markets are well examined at the national level. However, the cross-border effects of capacity markets within the European market aiming at higher integration have received less attention. This doctoral dissertation examines the cross-border effects of unilateral implementation of CRMs applying both theoretical and case study analyses. The results show that capacity remunerative mechanisms (CRMs) may cause negative cross-border effects, especially if they are implemented unilaterally.

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Inclusion or Exclusion? Trade Union Strategies and Labor Migration This research identified and analyzed immigration-related strategies of the Finnish Construction Trade Union (FCTU) and the Service Union United (SUU); e.g. how the unions react to labor immigration, whether unions seek to include migrants in the unions, and what is migrants’ position in the unions. The two unions were chosen as the focus of the research because the workforce in the sectors they represent is migrant-dense. The study also analyzed the experiences that migrants who work in these sectors have with trade unions. The Estonian labor market situation –including the role of Estonian trade unions– was also examined as it has a considerable impact on the operating environment of the FCTU. The results of the study indicate that immigration is a contradictory issue for both unions. On the one hand, they strive to include migrants as trade union members and to defend migrants’ labor rights. On the other hand, they, together with their umbrella organization the Central Organisation of Finnish Trade Unions (SAK), seek to prevent labor immigration from outside the EU and EEA countries. They actively defend current labor immigration restrictions by drawing atten- tion to high unemployment figures and to the breaches of working conditions migrants encounter. In contrast, the employer organizations promote a more liberal state policy on labor immigration because they see it as a boost for business. Both the unions and the employer organizations ground their arguments on national interest. However, the position of the trade union movement is not uniform: unions belonging to the Confederation of Unions for Professionals and Managerial Staff in Finland (Akava) embrace more liberal labor immigration stances than the SAK. A key trade union strategy is to try to guarantee that migrants’ working condi- tions do not differ from those of the natives. The FCTU and the SUU inform migrants about Finnish collective agreements and trade union membership in the most common migrant languages. This is important for the unions because it is not in their interest that migrants’ working conditions are undercut. The interviewed migrants said that natives had more negotiating power with employers, which is often negatively portrayed in migrants’ working conditions. Migrants perceive that trade unions have an important role in protecting their working conditions. However, they stressed that migrants’ knowledge of unions is often very limited. The number of migrants in both two unions studied here is increasing. Espe- cially in the SUU, a considerable proportion of the new members are migrants. The FCTU is in a more challenging situation than the SUU because migrant construc- tion workers often work only for short periods in Finland and are consequently not interested in becoming union members. The unions’ strategies partly differ: the FCTU was the first Finnish trade union to establish a trade union branch/lo- cal for migrant members. The goal is to facilitate migrants’ inclusion in the union and to highlight the specific problems they face. The SUU, for its part, insists that such a special strategy would exclude migrants within the union organization. Despite the unions’ strategies, migrants are still underrepresented as union members and officials, which some of the interviewed migrants saw as a problem. Immigrants’ perception of trade unions was pragmatic: they had joined unions when membership yielded concrete benefits. In spite of the unions’ strategies, migrants –and temporary migrants– encoun- ter specific problems in terms of working conditions. Both unions demand more state intervention to protect migrants’ labor rights because overseeing working conditions consumes union resources. However, without the unions’ intervention, these problems would be more common than is currently the case. For instance, some of the interviewed migrants had received trade union assistance in claim- ing unpaid wages. The study demonstrated with the help of building on Walter Korpi’s power resources theory, that immigration is a power resource issue for the unions: suc- cessful immigration-related strategies strengthen unions –and vice versa. The research also showed how the unions’ operating environments constrain and enable their immigration-related strategies. This study has illuminated a previously ignored dimension: the immigrant- inclusive strategies of the Finnish trade unions. The research material consists of 78 qualitative interviews, observation in trade union events, and trade unions’ and employer organizations’ public state- ments.

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This study aimed at assessing the stability of passion fruit juice in glass bottles during a 120-day storage period, regarding its volatile compounds profile and sensory properties (aroma and flavor). Samples were obtained from a Brazilian tropical juice industry (Fortaleza, Brazil) and submitted to sensory and chromatographic analyses. The characteristic aroma and flavor of passion fruit were evaluated by a trained panel with a non-structured scale of 9 cm. The headspace volatile compounds were isolated from the product by suction and trapped in Porapak Q, analyzed through high-resolution gas chromatography and identified through gas chromatography-mass spectrometry (GC-MS). Twelve odoriferous compounds were monitored: ethyl butanoate, ethyl propanoate, 3-methyl-1-butanol, 3-methyl-2-butenol, (E)-3-hexenol, (Z)-3-hexenol, 3-methylbutyl acetate, benzaldehyde, ethyl hexanoate, hexyl acetate, limonene and furfural. The slight variations observed in the volatile profile were not enough to provoke significant changes in the characteristic aroma and flavor of the passion fruit juice.

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A cranial bone defect may result after an operative treatment of trauma, infection, vascular insult, or tumor. New biomaterials for cranial bone defect reconstructions are needed for example to mimic the biomechanical properties and structure of cranial bone. A novel glass fiber-reinforced composite implant with bioactive glass particulates (FRC–BG, fiber-reinforced composite–bioactive glass) has osteointegrative potential in a preclinical setting. The aim of the first and second study was to investigate the functionality of a FRC–BG implant in the reconstruction of cranial bone defects. During the years 2007–2014, a prospective clinical trial was conducted in two tertiary level academic institutions (Turku University Hospital and Oulu University Hospital) to evaluate the treatment outcome in 35 patients that underwent a FRC–BG cranioplasty. The treatment outcome was good both in adult and pediatric patients. A number of conventional complications related to cranioplasty were observed. In the third study, a retrospective outcome evaluation of 100 cranioplasty procedures performed in Turku University Hospital between years 2002–2012 was conducted. The experimental fourth study was conducted to test the load-bearing capacity and fracture behavior of FRC–BG implants under static loading. The interconnective bars in the implant structure markedly increased the load-bearing capacity of the implant. A loading test did not demonstrate any protrusions of glass fibers or fiber cut. The fracture type was buckling and delamination. In this study, a postoperative complication requiring a reoperation or removal of the cranioplasty material was observed in one out of five cranioplasty patients. The treatment outcomes of cranioplasty performed with different synthetic materials did not show significant difference when compared with autograft. The FRC–BG implant was demonstrated to be safe and biocompatible biomaterial for large cranial bone defect reconstructions in adult and pediatric patients.

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ISBN 978-951-765-806-5Avhandlingen studerar frihamnen Gustavia på ön S:t Barthélemy, den svenska kolonin i Västindien, under de franska revolutionskrigen 1793-1815. Syftet är att kartlägga den ekonomiska aktiviteten genom Gustavia genom ett outforskat källmaterial och analysera hamnens roll i Västindien och i den atlantiska ekonomin under krigsåren. Det viktigaste resultatet av undersökningen är att den påvisar den kortvariga men exceptionella position som Gustavia fick under krigen, vilket ledde till att stora varuflöden gick genom den svenska kolonin och att sjöfart under svensk flagg i regionen tilltog. Krigskonjunkturen hämtade till ön ett stort antal nya invånare, framförallt från angränsande karibiska kolonier men också från USA och Europa. Frihamnen och ön fungerade kort under några decennier som en global marknadsplats i Västindien för handelsmän som kringgick blockader och handelsförbud. Vidare närmar sig även avhandlingen frågor om Sveriges engagemang i slavhandeln på ett systematiskt sätt, och demonstrerar att den svenska slavhandeln var mer omfattande än den tidigare forskningen visat, speciellt efter att rörelsen för slavhandelns förbud fått ett starkt fäste i Storbritannien. De tidigare stora internationella undersökningarna om slavhandeln har ofta missat det svenska inslaget. S:t Barthélemy har fått relativt lite uppmärksamhet i den svenska historieforskningen, och har ofta skildrats som ett exotiskt och ganska betydelselöst inslag i Sverige 1800-talshistoria. Mycket av den tidigare forskningen präglas av det nationalhistoriska perspektivet med kolonins länkar till Stockholm i blickfånget. Avhandlingen påvisar att länkarna mellan kolonin och Stockholm var fåtaliga och att dess ekonomiska betydelse för Sverige var ytterst liten. Däremot omvärderar avhandlingen kolonins betydelsefulla roll i ett större internationellt sammanhang. ----------------------------------------------------------- Väitöskirja käsittelee Gustavian vapaasatamaa Ruotsin Länsi-Intian siirtomaassa Saint-Barthélemyn saarella, Ranskan vallankumoussotien aikana 1793–1815. Tarkoitus on ollut kartoittaa Gustavian kautta kulkevaa taloudellista toimintaa tutkimattomien lähteiden avulla ja arvioida sataman asemaa Länsi-Intiassa sekä atlanttisessa taloudessa sotavuosina.Väitöskirjan tärkein tulos osoittaa sataman sotien aikana saavuttamaa lyhytkestoista mutta poikkeuksellista roolia, mikä johti suuren kaupankäynnin saapumiseen ruotsalaissiirtomaahan sekä siihen, että merenkulku ruotsalaisen lipun alla kiihtyi Länsi-Intian alueella. Sotatalouden nousukausi aikaansai pienelle saarelle muuttoliikkeen myötä suuren väestönkasvun, jonka lähteenä olivat pääsääntöisesti lähisaaret, mutta osa uusista asukkaista tuli myös Yhdysvalloista ja Euroopasta. Gustavian vapaasatama toimi muutaman vuosikymmenen ajan globaalina markkinapaikkana Länsi-Intian kauppamiehille, joilla oli tarve kiertää kauppasaartoja ja -kieltoja. Lisäksi väitöskirja lähestyy kysymystä Ruotsin osallistumisesta orjankauppaan ja osoittaa että ruotsalainen orjakauppa oli laajempaa kuin aiempi tutkimus on väittänyt, etenkin sen jälkeen kun kansanliike orjakauppaa vastaan oli saavuttanut vahvan tuen Iso-Britanniassa. Aiemmat laajat kansainväliset kartoitukset orjakaupasta ovat usein ohittaneet ruotsalaisten osallisuutta tässä yhteydessä. Saint-Barthélemy on aiemmin saanut suhteellisen vähän huomiota ruotsalaisessa historiankirjoituksessa, ja sitä on usein hahmoteltu eksoottisena ja melko merkityksettömänä osana Ruotsin 1800-luvun historiaa. Aiempaa tutkimusta on paljolti leimannut kansallinen historiankirjoitus, jonka keskeisenä kiinnostuksena ovat olleet saaren yhteydet Tukholmaan. Väitöskirja osoittaa kuitenkin että nämä yhteydet olivat heikkoja ja että siirtomaan taloudellinen merkitys Ruotsille oli hyvinkin pieni. Toisaalta väitöskirja arvioi siirtomaan todellista ja tärkeää roolia uudelleen sijoittamalla sen isompaan kansainväliseen asiayhteyteen.

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Many types of production are being transferred from the rich economies of the North to the poorer economies of the South. Such changes began in manufacturing but are now spreading to services. This paper provides estimates of their past and future impact on employment in the North. About 5 million manufacturing jobs have been lost over the past decade because of trade with low-wage economies. A similar number of service jobs may be lost to low-wage economies over the next decade. Although small compared to total employment, such losses may seriously harm certain localities or types of worker.

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The purpose of this paper is to analyse the political economy of preferential trade agreements based on a sequential non-cooperative Stackelberg political game between a large economy and a small one, in which the political dispute of rival lobby groups defines the unilateral stance of both governments in the first stage; and the Stackelberg "coalition-proof" equilibrium defines the free trade agreement format in the second stage. Finally, a few modifications in the initial game structure are discussed in order to enhance the small economy's negotiation power. The political economy model is applied to FTAA case.