México: crecimiento agropecuario, TLCAN, capital humano y gestión del riesgo: indicadores estadísticos agropecuarios

Incluye Bibliografía

La cooperación ambiental en los tratados de libre comercio (versión preliminar)

Incluye Bibliografía

Access of Latin American and Caribbean exports to the US market 2003-2004

Includes bibliography

Access of Latin American and Caribbean exports to the US market 2004-2005

Includes bibliography

ECLAC Notes Nº 34

Latin American and Caribbean Exports Grow by 8.3% in 2003 Costs and Benefits of Growing Trade with China OPINION: Repercussions of the Free Trade Agreement between Central America and the USA (CAFTA), by José Luis Machinea HIGHLIGHTS: Attracting FDI and Benefiting from It INDICATORS Environmental Problems and Small Businesses Incentives Work Better than Sanctions RECENT TITLES CALENDAR

ECLAC Notes Nº 46

Regional Energy Integration Looks Distant But Could be Crucial WTO and Free Trade Agreement Dispute Settlement Mechanisms Progress OPINION Central America: Poor Terms for the Terms of Trade, by José Luis Machinea HIGHLIGHTS Integration Schemes in Crisis and the Convergence of Trade Agreements, by Osvaldo Rosales INDICATORS: Economic Growth and Employment Direct Action in Favour of Indigenous Peoples and Afro-descendents Rises Recent Titles Calendar

CEPAL Review no. 114

Aspects of recent developments in the Latin American and Caribbean labour markets / Jürgen Weller .-- The earnings share of total income in Latin America, 1990-2010 / Martín Abeles, Verónica Amarante and Daniel Vega .-- Latin America: Total factor productivity and its components / Jair Andrade Araujo, Débora Gaspar Feitosa and Almir Bittencourt da Silva .-- Financial constraints on economic development: Theory and policy for developing countries / Jennifer Hermann .-- The impact of China’s incursion into the North American Free Trade Agreement (NAFTA) on intra-industry trade / Jorge Alberto López A., Óscar Rodil M. and Saúl Valdez G. .-- Work, family and public policy changes in Latin America: Equity, maternalism and co-responsibility / Merike Blofield and Juliana Martínez F. .-- A first approach to the impact of the real exchange rate on industrial sectors in Colombia / Lya Paola Sierra and Karina Manrique L. .-- Global integration, disarticulation and competitiveness in Mexico’s electromechanical sector: A structural analysis / Raúl Vázquez López .-- Technological capacity-building in unstable settings: Manufacturing firms in Argentina and Brazil / Anabel Marín, Lilia Stubrin and María Amelia Gibbons .-- Index of political instability in Brazil, 1889-2009 / Jaime Jordan Costantini and Mauricio Vaz Lobo Bittencourt

Lutas sociais, neoliberalismo e limites democráticos no Brasil: gênese, formação e perspectivas da campanha (inter)nacional contra a ALCA (1998-2003)

Pós-graduação em Ciências Sociais - FCLAR

A "Beyond WTO" Scenario for Swiss Agriculture: Consequences for Income Generation and the Provision of Public Goods

The conclusion of the Doha Round negotiations is likely to influence Swiss agricultural policy substantially. The same goes for a free trade agreement in agriculture and food with the European Communities. Even though neither of them will bring about duty-free and quota-free market access, or restrict domestic support measures to green box compatible support, both would represent a big step in that direction. There is no empirical evidence on the effect of such a counterfactual scenario for Swiss agriculture. We therefore use a normative mathematical programming model to illustrate possible effects for agricultural production and the corresponding agricultural income. Moreover, we discuss the results with respect to the provision of public goods under the assumption of continuing green box-compatible direct payments. The aim of our article is to bring more transparency into the discussion on the effects of freer and less distorted trade on the income generation by a multifunctional agriculture. The article will be organized as follows. In the first Section we specify the background of our study. In the second section, we focus on the problem statement and our research questions. In Section 3, we describe in detail a counterfactual scenario of “duty-free, quota-free and price support-free” agriculture from an economic as well as a legal perspective. Our methodology and the results are presented in Section 4 and 5 respectively. In Section 6, we discuss our results with respect to economic and legal aspects of multifunctional agriculture.

Cooperación y conflicto entre empresas, comunidades y gobierno : nuevos movimientos sociales en el caso de Cerro de San Pedro, México

El objetivo de este trabajo es analizar las relaciones de cooperación y conflicto entre una compañía minera y las comunidades, los Nuevos Movimientos Sociales y los tres niveles de gobierno involucrados. La compañía Minera inició operaciones para una mina a cielo abierto de oro y plata con el apoyo de los gobiernos locales, estatales y federal. Los habitantes de estas comunidades apoyados por grupos ambientalistas y Organizaciones No Gubernamentales argumentan que el proyecto contamina las Fuentes de agua fresca además de perturbar el medio ambiente y la ecología de la región. La metodología empleada consistió en un análisis histórico social para determinar, en un estudio exploratorio, las principales variables económicas, políticas, legales, sociales y culturales que inciden en el caso, sobre todo después de la firma del Tratado de Libre Comercio de América del Norte. Los hallazgos de esta investigación contribuyen a explicar las relaciones de cooperación y conflicto entre las empresas multinacionales que operan en las comunidades, a analizar el rol del gobierno en sus tres niveles y de los nuevos movimientos sociales en la conformación de las economías locales bajo procesos de integración económica regional. Los resultados también son de relevancia por sus contribuciones para el entendimiento de procesos de responsabilidad social corporativa de las empresas transnacionales y los procesos de contestación y acción colectiva de los nuevos movimientos sociales en el desarrollo económico y ambiental de las comunidades locales.

How serious is the omission of bilateral tariff rates in gravity?

In this paper, using the worldwide dataset of bilateral tariff rates, we explore how serious the omission of bilateral tariff rates in gravity is. Our findings are as follow. Firstly, the omission of bilateral tariff rates seems not to be so serious in terms of omitted-variable biases because the coefficients for the usual gravity variables do not change before or after their inclusion. Secondly, while the widely-used dummy variable of regional trade agreement could not play an alternative role in place of tariff rates, the inclusion of time-invariant pair fixed effects in addition to the time-variant importer fixed effects and exporter fixed effects accounts for the omission of tariff rates. The inclusion of those fixed effects makes the coefficient for bilateral tariff rates insignificant.

Approximation to EU Technical Standards with and without the Promise of Membership: the Cases of Slovakia and Ukraine. EU Diplomacy Paper 02/2013

This paper aims to identify the extent to which the non-promise of membership of the European Union (EU) precludes the motivation of Ukraine as European Neighbourhood Policy country to adopt EU policies in the field of market access, namely technical standards and regulations. Its approximation approach is compared to the fast-tracked accession of Slovakia, which was driven by a clear-cut membership promise. Furthermore, the paper elaborates whether the conclusion of an Association Agreement between the EU and Ukraine, including a Deep and Comprehensive Free Trade Agreement, provides sufficient incentives for Ukraine to continue reforming its quality infrastructure in order to gain access to the Single European Market. Finally, scenarios of possible developments of EU-Ukraine relations are deliberated in the context of the EU-Ukraine-Russia triangle. The paper argues that market access provides sufficient stimulus for third countries to adhere to EU technical standards – even in the absence of a clear and credible promise of future EU membership. Yet, in the case of Ukraine, the country’s relations with Russia appear to compete with its EU approximation process, resulting for the time being in Ukraine attempting to pursue a balanced dual cooperation with both the EU and Russia.

Putin’s grand design to destroy the EU’s Eastern Partnership and replace it with a disastrous neighbourhood policy of his own. CEPS Commentary, 17 September 2013

This new Commentary by Michael Emerson and Hrant Kostanyan shows how the pressure exerted by President Putin on Armenia to withdraw from the Deep and Comprehensive Free Trade Agreement it had negotiated with the EU and to join the Belarus, Kazakhstan and Russia customs union is but the most recent in a long series of ongoing moves by Russia to destroy the Eastern Partnership. In their view, the message to be hammered home to those unsure of the economic arguments is that you do not have to have an exclusive customs union to enjoy deep integration for goods, services, people and capital, and of course even less for hard security relationships. High-quality free trade agreements are the logical instrument for those who want excellent relations with more than one big neighbour.

Triangular Geopolitics in Europe’s Eastern Neighbourhood. CEPS Commentary, 2 December 2014

Over the last few months, Russia has employed a number of economic and security measures to derail the Deep and Comprehensive Free Trade Agreement (DCFTA) between the EU and Ukraine. Russia’s opposition to the Agreement was based on the argument that it would damage its economy and weaken its trade ties with Ukraine. Russia’s actions ultimately led to war in Ukraine, but did not succeed in reversing Ukraine’s EU integration policies; instead there are now trilateral negotiations between the EU, Ukraine and Russia on mere technical trade aspects of the DCFTA. The Kremlin is using similar rhetoric and, to some extent, similar coercive measures against the DCFTAs with Moldova and Georgia. But the small scale of Moldovan and Georgian trade with Russia is not a legitimate reason for the EU to replicate the Ukraine ‘trialogue’ on the DCFTAs in these countries. Instead, Moldova’s heavy dependence on Russia’s energy and the former’s transit role for the EU offers a greater possibility to set up trilateral negotiations, similar to the recently finalised gas trialogue between the EU, Ukraine and Russia.

Reforms in Moldova: Moderate progress and an uncertain outlook for the future. OSW Commentary No. 100, 2013-01-22

After coming to power in September 2009, the Alliance for European Integration (AIE)1 coalition began implementing a wide-ranging programme of reforms, with a view to bringing Moldova closer to the European Union, and ultimately to ensure the country’s full membership of the EU. Today, Moldova is considered a clear leader in European integration among the members of the EU’s Eastern Partnership programme. This, however, has less to do with the concrete reforms introduced by the Moldovan government, and more to do with, on the one hand, Chișinău’s excellent public relations with Brussels, achieved through effective diplomacy; and on the other hand, the growing disillusionment with the lack of progress in other Eastern Partnership countries, particularly in Ukraine. Attempts to evaluate Moldova’s reforms have proven rather problematic. On the one hand, the ruling coalition has managed to make significant progress in the areas of civil liberties, human rights and electoral reform. The government has also successfully implemented regulations which have brought Moldova closer to signing a Deep and Comprehensive Free Trade Agreement (DCFTA) with the EU, and it has made headway in talks on visa liberalisation with Brussels. On the other hand, Chișinău has still not carried out the structural and economic reforms without which real change in the country will be impossible. No reforms have been introduced in the Ministry of the Interior, the Moldovan police force, or the judiciary. The AIE has also failed to decentralise governance and has had no real success in reducing corruption; its attempts to rebuild the country’s financial institutions have proved equally unsuccessful. The main reasons for this poor performance include mutual mistrust and conflicting interests among the coalition members, a shortage of financial resources, strong resistance to change by public administration staff, and significant pressure from those political and business groups whose interests could suffer as a result of the proposed reforms. It should also be noted that since the AIE took power, the international context of the reform efforts has undergone significant changes. On the one hand, the EU has been facing an economic crisis, which has had a negative impact on Moldovan exports and contributed to the worsening of the economic situation in the country; and on the other hand, Moldova has been offered membership of the Customs Union as a viable alternative to EU membership.