1000 resultados para Estudis


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“Neuromarketing, la tangibilización de las emociones” és una aproximació als estudis sobre els sistemes neuronals que regeixen el cervell humà, amb la finalitat de relacionar-ho a la conducta del consumidor. Aquest treball explora la aplicació dels descobriments en matèria neurocientífica al camp del marketing. Tot això, pel posterior anàlisi sobre la viabilitat i fiabilitat de la implementació d’aquests avanços al mon professional.

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La nostra recerca, amb una clara visió prospectiva, té l’objectiu d’establir els fonaments per a futures investigacions en l’àmbit de la interpretació social. A partir d’una revisió bibliogràfica, descrivim les perspectives des de les quals s’ha analitzat la interpretació social, proposem una definició dels àmbits d’estudi en aquesta recerca i hi situem el cas concret de la interpretació amb el col•lectiu xinès. A les conclusions, destaquem la importància de la recerca des de marcs teòrics i metodològics interdisciplinaris i apuntem certs buits investigadors que es podrien explorar en estudis futurs, sobretot quant a la recerca amb el col•lectiu xinès

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The idea of Chineseness as a geographic, cultural-specific and ethnically-charged concept, and the pivotal role assumed by memory linger throughout the writings of most authors hailing from Chinese community in Southeast Asia. Among these communities, being the Malaysian Chinese the more prolific in terms of number of writers and pieces of literature produced, this paper deals specifically with it. Its focus is put on the literature produced by Malaysian Chinese authors residing in Taiwan, which topic constitutes an important part of the first chapter, and on one of its main representatives, Ng Kim Chew, to whom chapter two and three are fully dedicated. A literary analysis of one of his short stories, Huo yu tu, will allow the reader to have a first-hand experience, through excerpts from the original text, of the importance of Chineseness and memory in the literary production of Ng and of many authors sharing with him similar life and literary experiences. I started this research from the assumption that these authors make large use of their own memories and memories from their own community in their writing as a way to re-tie themselves to the Chineseness they left in their places of origin. However in the case of Ng Kim Chew, the analysis of his works led be to theorizing that the identity he is imbued with, if there is one, is not Chinese, nor Malaysian, but purely and distinctively Malaysian-Chinese. This paper can also serve as an introduction for the general public to the field of Sinophone literature from Southeast Asia and to promote wider and innovative paths of research within the realm of Chinese studies that go beyond China proper.

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La Revolución Energética Cubana (REC) surge de las necesidades de resolver la situación social y económica de Cuba, sumergida en una crisis energética con constantes apagones que limitaban por completo todo desarrollo del país. La REC (2006) se basa en los principios de la autosuficiencia energética, el ahorro y uso racional de la energía, y el incremento de la eficiencia en todos los aspectos. En el presente trabajo se realiza el análisis de la sostenibilidad socio-ambiental de la REC en la Universidad Central Marta Abreu de Las Villas (UCLV), ubicada en Santa Clara (Cuba). La valoración se ha efectuado mediante el análisis de los impactos ambientales y sociales en dos estudios paralelos que se complementan aplicando la técnica de conmensurabilidad débil. El conjunto de los programas de la REC han propiciado mejoras en el suministro eléctrico y en el ahorro energético, disminuyendo en un 44% las emisiones de CO2, a pesar del incremento en la actividad docente y en la flota de equipos. Las medidas adoptadas han incidido en la calidad de la docencia, las condiciones de vida, la concienciación y la participación de la población, dando lugar a un impacto social positivo. De esta manera, el balance global de la REC es positivo ya que ha permitido el desarrollo de la UCLV sin incrementar los impactos ambientales, por lo que se puede considerar un paso en el camino hacia la sostenibilidad socio-ambiental.

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La Revolución Energética Cubana (REC) surge de las necesidades de resolver la situación social y económica de Cuba, sumergida en una crisis energética con constantes apagones que limitaban por completo el desarrollo del país. La REC (2006) es un conjunto de medidas basadas en los principios de la autosuficiencia energética, el ahorro y uso racional de la energía, y el incremento de la eficiencia en todos los aspectos. En el presente trabajo se realiza el análisis de la sostenibilidad socio-ambiental de la REC en la Universidad Central Marta Abreu de las Villas (UCLV), ubicada en Santa Clara (Cuba). La valoración se ha efectuado mediante el análisis de los impactos ambientales y sociales en dos estudios paralelos que se complementan aplicando la técnica de conmensurabilidad débil. El conjunto de los programas de la REC han propiciado mejoras en el suministro eléctrico y en el ahorro energético, disminuyendo en un 30% las emisiones de CO2, a pesar del incremento en la actividad docente y en la flota de equipos, en la universidad. Las medidas adoptadas han incidido en la calidad de la docencia, las condiciones de vida, la concienciación y la participación de la población, dando lugar a un impacto social positivo. De esta manera, el balance global de la REC se califica de positivo ya que ha permitido el desarrollo de la UCLV sin incrementar los impactos ambientales, por lo que se puede considerar un paso en el camino hacia la sostenibilidad socio-ambiental.

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Aquest estudi s’ha realitzat amb el principal objectiu de localitzar, analitzar i diagnosticar els arbres singulars subjectes a ser declarats monumentals dins el Parc Natural de l’Alt Pirineu. Concretament s’han inventariat la Vall Ferrera i la Vall de Cardós. L’objectiu secundari ha estat fer una proposta innovadora d’educació ambiental, utilitzant l’arbre com a un instrument pedagògic. S’han inventariat vint-i-tres arbres sent un d’ells ja declarat Arbre Monumental, “l’Avet del Pla de la Selva”. Primerament s’han localitzats els arbres amb l’ajuda dels tècnics del Parc, el coneixement popular i documentació. S’ha utilitzat una metodologia basada en estudis anteriors, mitjançant uns formularis de camp que recullen totes les característiques ecològiques i socioculturals de cada arbre. Posteriorment s’han analitzat les dades obtingudes i s’ha realitzat la diagnosi. S’ha proposat un mètode quantitatiu i un mètode qualitatiu (Rànquing d’Arbres Monumentals). Aquest últim valora cada arbre comparant-lo amb un llistat de tots aquells arbres monumentals de la mateixa espècie en el territori català realitzat per la Generalitat de Catalunya, segons tres paràmetres, l’alçada, el volt de canó i el diàmetre de la capçada. Finalment es proposa a cada arbre la protecció corresponent segons el seu estat de conservació i altres paràmetres. Un dels resultats obtinguts d’aquest estudi ha estat la realització d’una carpeta de material divulgatiu utilitzant cada arbre com a eix central per explicar el medi natural que l’envolta. Amb aquesta iniciativa es vol destacar l’important paper dels arbres monumentals com a connectors amb el medi natural i sociocultural i la necessitat de protegir en tots els Parcs Naturals els arbres singulars.

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I model the link between political regime and level of diversification following a windfall of natural resource revenues. The explanatory variables I make use of are the political support functions embedded within each type of regime and the disparate levels of discretion, openness, transparency, and accountability of government. I show that a democratic government seeks to maximize the long-term consumption path of the representative consumer, in order to maximize its chances of re-election, while an authoritarian government, in the absence of any electoral mechanism of accountability, seeks to buy off and entrench a group of special interests loyal to the government and potent enough to ensure its short-term survival. Essentially the contrast in the approaches towards resource rent distribution comes down to a variation in political weights on aggregate welfare and rentierist special interests endogenized by distinct political support functions.

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The article investigates the private governance of financial markets by looking at the evolution of the regulatory debate on hedge funds in the US market. It starts from the premise that the privatization of regulation is always the result of a political decision and analyzes how this decision came about and was implemented in the case of hedge funds. The starting point is the failure of two initiatives on hedge funds that US regulators launched between 1999 an 2004, which the analysis explains by elaborating the concept of self-capture. Facing a trade off between the need to tackle publicly demonized issues and the difficulty of monitoring increasingly sophisticated and powerful private markets, regulators purposefully designed initiatives that were not meant to succeed, that is, they “self-captured” their own activity. By formulating initiatives that were inherently flawed, regulators saved their public role and at the same time paved the way for the privatization of hedge fund regulation. This explanation identifies a link between the failure of public initiatives and the success of private ones. It illustrates a specific case of formation of private authority in financial markets that points to a more general practice emerging in the regulation of finance.

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This paper explores how international sanctions affect authoritarian rulers’ decisions concerning repression and public spending composition, and how different authoritarian rulers respond to foreign pressure. If sanctions are assumed to increase the price of loyalty to the regime, then rulers whose budgets are not severely constrained by sanctions will tend to increase spending in those categories that most benefit their core support groups. In contrast, when constraints are severe due to reduced aid and trade, dictators are expected to greatly increase their levels of repression. Using data on regime types, public expenditures and spending composition (1970–2000) as well as on repression levels (1976–2001), we show that the empirical patterns conform well to our theoretical expectations. Single-party regimes, when targeted by sanctions, increase spending on subsidies and transfers which largely benefit more substantial sectors of the population and especially the urban classes. Likewise, military regimes increase their expenditures on goods and services, which include military equipment and soldiers’ and officers’ wages. Conversely, personalist regimes reduce spending in all categories, especially capital expenditures, while increasing repression much more than other regime types when targeted by sanctions.

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The 3x1 Program for Migrants is a matching grant scheme that seeks to direct the money sent by migrant organizations abroad to the provision of public and social infrastructure, and to productive projects in migrants’ communities of origin. To do so, the municipal, state, and federal administrations match the amount sent by hometown associations by 3 to 1. This opens the door to the political manipulation of the program. We explore the impact of a particular facet of Mexican political life on the operation of the 3x1: its recent democratization and the increasing political competition at the municipal level. Relying on the literature on redistributive politics, we posit that an increasing number of effective parties in elections may have two different effects. On the one hand, the need to cater to more heterogeneous constituencies may increase the provision of public projects. On the other hand, since smaller coalitions are needed to win elections under tighter competition, fewer public and more private (clientelistic) projects could be awarded. Using a unique dataset on the 3x1 Program for Migrants for over 2,400 municipalities in the period 2002 through 2007, we find a lower provision of public goods in electorally competitive jurisdictions. Thus, we remain sceptical about the program success in promoting public goods in politically competitive locations with high migration levels.

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This note reviews the political-scientific literature on European competition policy (ECP) in the 2000s. Based on a data set extracted from four well-known journals, and using an upfront methodology and explicit criteria, it analyzes the literature both quantitatively and qualitatively. On the quantitative side, it shows that, although a few sub-policy areas are still neglected, ECP is not the under-researched policy it used to be. On the qualitative side, the literature has greatly improved since the 1990s: Almost all articles now present a clear research question, and most advance specific theoretical claims/hypotheses. Yet, improvements can be made on research design, statistical testing, and, above all, state-of-the-art theorizing (e.g. in the game-theoretical treatment of delegation problems). Indeed, it is paradoxical that ECP specialists do not pay more attention to theoretical questions which are so central to the actual policy area they study.

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This paper examines whether human rights naming and shaming destabilizes the rule of authoritarian leaders. We argue that human rights shaming can destabilize autocratic leaders by signaling international disapproval to elites in the targeted country, increasing their capacity to replace the incumbent. In personalist regimes, shaming increases the risk of irregular exit because regime elite do not have a means to peacefully replace the incumbent. Shaming campaigns also decrease foreign aid and international trade in personalist regimes, denying the leader access to resources to pay his coalition – further destabilizing his rule. In non-personalist regimes where parties or the military allow elites to peacefully replace incumbents, human rights shaming increases the risk of regular turnover of power, but has little effect on the risk of irregular exit or international flows of aid and trade. These findings have implications for understanding when and where shaming campaigns are likely to reduce or deter repression.

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El objetivo del trabajo es plantear preguntas sobre la situación general de las mujeres en el franquismo. Para ver cómo se ha estudiado el trabajo y los niveles de vida de las mujeres en el franquismo es útil distinguir tres grandes temas o niveles de análisis: (a) el Estado franquista, (b) la construcción ideológica y jurídica de "la mujer" y "el varón" como grupos sociales con distintos derechos y funciones, y (c) la división del trabajo entre mujeres y hombres.

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Gaps es un generador de aplicaciones sintéticas de estructura compuesta Master/Worker de pipelines. Para crear una aplicación sintética, el investigador utilizará Gaspar, que recibe un fichero de texto con los parámetros de la aplicación a generar: cantidad de workers, etapas, tamaño de mensaje a enviar, etc., y genera un fichero con las propiedades de cada etapa. A partir de estos datos, Gaps, que esta hecho en C con MPI, genera y ejecuta la aplicación paralela. Estas aplicaciones se utilizan para comprobar en un entorno real los estudios analíticos que constituyen el modelo de rendimiento y sintonización dinámica.

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L'objectiu del present treball de recerca va ser avaluar les dues teories predominants (BORER & WEXLER 1987, WEXLER 2004; FOX & GRODZINSKY 1997) que miren d'explicar el tardà desenvolupament de la forma passiva en la gramàtica dels nens. Es van seleccionar tres grups de nens de ambdós sexes d'edats compreses entre els 3,1 i els 5;9 i es va a dur a terme un experiment per verificar la competència dels nens en les frases actives, passives curtes i passives llargues (amb el complement agentiu per...) . Mentre la comprensió de les actives és com l'adulta des del principi, la comprensió de las passives curtes és significativament més dolenta que la de les actives i la comprensió de les passives llargues és molt deficient fins i tot per al grup més gran d'edat. Les diferencies significatives trobades afavoreixen la hipòtesi de la maduració. Es discuteixen els resultats en relació amb estudis similars i es suggereixen noves vies d'investigació més enllà de les passives agentives.