775 resultados para Direitos econômicos e sociais
Resumo:
Government transfers to individuals and families play a central role in the Brazilian social protection system, accounting for almost 14 per cent of GDP in 2009. While their fiscal and redistributive impacts have been widely studied, the macroeconomic effects of transfers are harder to ascertain. We constructed a Social Accounting Matrix (SAM) for 2009 and estimated short-term multipliers for seven different government monetary transfers . The SAM is a double-entry square matrix depicting all income flows in the economy. The data were compiled from the 2009 Brazilian National Accounts and the 2008/2009 POF, a household budget survey. Our SAM was disaggregated into 56 sectors, 110 commodities, 200 household groups and seven factors of production (capital plus six types of labor, according to schooling). Finally, we ran a set of regressions to separate household consumption into ‘autonomous’ (or ‘exogenous’) and ‘endogenous’ components. More specifically, we are interested in the effects of an exogenous injection into each of the seven government transfers outlined above. All the other accounts are thus endogenous. The so-called demand ‘leaks’ are income flows from the endogenous to exogenous accounts. Leaks—such as savings, taxes and imports—are crucial to determine the multiplier effect of an exogenous injection, as they allow the system to go back to equilibrium. The model assumes that supply is perfectly elastic to demand shocks. It assumes that the families’ propensity to save and consumption profile are fixed—that is, rising incomes do not provoke changes in behaviour. The multiplier effects of the on GDP corresponds to the growth in GDP resulting from each additional dollar injected into each transfer seven government transfers. If the government increased Bolsa Família expenditures by 1 per cent of GDP, overall economic activity would grow by 1.78 per cent, the highest effect. The Continuous Cash Benefit, comes second. Only three transfers— the private-sector and public servants’ pensions and FGTS withdrawals—had multipliers lower than unity. The multipliers for other relevant macroeconomic aggregates—household and total consumption, disposable income etc. —reveal a similar pattern. Thus, under the stringent assumptions of our model, we cannot reject the hypothesis that government transfers targeting poor households, such as the Bolsa Família, help foster economic expansion. Naturally, it should be stressed that the multipliers relate marginal injections into government transfers to short-term economic performance either real growth, or inflation if there is no idle capacity which is also useful to analyze. In the long term, there is no doubt that what truly matters is the growth of the country’s productive capacity.
Resumo:
A partir da disseminação do conhecimento sobre voto econômico no meio político, o incremento da renda real criado pelo Bolsa Família pode criar incentivos para que os governantes aumentem o valor dos repasses ou ampliem a base de famílias cadastradas com intuito de aumentar suas chances de reeleição. A hipótese testada nesse trabalho foi de que o governo influencia os gastos do Programa Bolsa Família e os aumentam anormalmente em períodos pré-eleitorais. Para testar essa hipótese, foram usadas as séries temporais de gastos mensais com o programa e de número de famílias beneficiárias desde janeiro de 2004 até dezembro de 2014. Para isso foram utilizados modelos estatísticos para identificar se estes gastos aumentam anormalmente em períodos que antecedem eleições, controlados por outros fatores que podem influenciar os gastos do programa, tais como PIB Nacional, Receitas e Despesas do Tesouro Nacional, Inflação e Desemprego. Os resultados sugerem a ocorrência de ciclos eleitorais nas eleições presidenciais, nos quais há uma aceleração no número de famílias inscritas no Bolsa Família nos três meses anteriores à campanha com a consequente aceleração dos gastos do programa no mesmo período, porém não há redução no número de famílias inscritas após as eleições e, por fim, que não existem efeitos no período das eleições locais.
Resumo:
The central research question was to search for data to ratify the theory and discourse of the so-called practitioners of economic solidarity, by defending the substantive rationality should guide the principles of economic solidary, designing the space economy incidental and not the primacy of relations in determining social as well, reflecting the predominance of dimensions of social management in administrative practices of ESS's. For both analyzed the theoretical dimensions of social management - sociopolitical, economic, organizational and environmental - manifested in organizational practices supportive of economic organization Potiguar West. For the success of the research realized the triangulation involving a combination of quantitative and qualitative methodological approaches. At first the research will use a quantitative approach, from the cluster analysis, to verify the behavior of the sample chosen for this study. In the second stage of the qualitative study was carried out focus group technique (FLICK, 2002) for further analysis of the dimensions of social management on organizational practices supportive of economic organization, related to the principles of Solidary Economy, established in a quantitative approach. In quantitative analysis, the socio-political dimension, it was clear that the more equity instruments of internal and external, from the purposeful living in public spaces, the best monetary results. Another point worth stressing concerns the economic dimension, with the practice reciprocity prevailing in market. Thus, the qualitative approach was possible to understand the processes of exchange of product or service. Rural enterprises surveyed in the allocation of the agro-ecological products have the following scale of priority, sequentially: self-consumption (domestic), market and exchange. The research leads to the fact that training and practices that enhance the socio-political dimension (knowledge, empowerment, sense of belonging) become the guiding principle for the strengthening of the social management in the context of other dimensions, leading to gains sociopolitical, economic, organizational and environmental. Despite the weaknesses found in the organizational dimension and environment, both in a quantitative as in qualitative, we determined that the practices of ESS's Potiguar West incorporate predominantly elements of social management and economic solidarity, with a preponderance of substantive rationality in the primacy of the instrumental. Finally, research has brought information that the participants of the ESS's do not give the money economy primacy in determining social relations, which in turn leads to the confirmation that, in practice the solidarity economy, prevailing the dominance of substantive rationality, as a guide for organizational practices
Resumo:
The relationship between the State and the non-governmental organizations (NGOs) needs to be analyzed and debated by the objective to extinguish or to reduce the existent failures in this partnership in order that the whole society may benefit from it. To understand how the partnership between the public and NGOs work is fundamental. The present study searches to contribute to a better understanding of this matter. With this aim, the research focused the partnership formed between Natal Child and Adolescent Council (COMDICA) and NGOs which were selected by public notice in 2007. Theoretical references were based on the Continuum of Collaboration proposed by Austin (2001) that serves to differentiate the degree and the mode of interaction between the two organizations. It was observed that in some points there is a lack in the interaction between COMDICA and the NGOs. The frequent change of the government counselors makes difficult a more intense involvement and partnership awareness with the NGOs. The NGOs members need to be more involved with the activities of COMDICA and search for a larger participation in the assemblies, on the discussions and on the intrinsic council actions. The relationship must also be rethought, since that the partnership must not be limited to financial resources support. The channels of communication must be improved and become more frequent. The evaluation and monitoring of social projects are poor and own methodologies need to be elaborated. Therefore, it is necessary to make some adjustments in this relationship involving not only the partnerships made by the selected ONGs, but also all those who assist the child and the adolescent. A closer relation makes possible a greater effectiveness of the public policies on one side and on the other side improves the performance of the COMDICA and the NGOs
Resumo:
This paper presents a case study from the Society for the Defense of Sexual and Migrate Rivers Amazônia - Sodireitos, whose central problem is to understand how it the works the social entrepreneur of the NGO Sodireitos in defense of sexual rights and migrate rivers in Amazônia. The central objective is to analyze the practices Social Entrepreneurship at the NGO Sodireitos on sexual rights and migrate rivers. The method adopted examined the entire creation process at the NGO the present day. Primary and secondary dates were used allowing the viewing of the dynamic intervention Social Sodireitos practiced by the fields of human rights and migrate rivers. Categories of analyses were given, and possible perceive in works of the strong Sodireitos flags that converge to social entrepreneurship as a guideline in the search for a model of human development, social and mainstay vel.
Resumo:
This paper presents a case study from the Society for the Defense of Sexual and Migrate Rivers Amazônia - Sodireitos, whose central problem is to understand how it the works the social entrepreneur of the NGO Sodireitos in defense of sexual rights and migrate rivers in Amazônia. The central objective is to analyze the practices Social Entrepreneurship at the NGO Sodireitos on sexual rights and migrate rivers. The method adopted examined the entire creation process at the NGO the present day. Primary and secondary dates were used allowing the viewing of the dinamic intervention Social Sodireitos practiced by the fields of human rights and migrate rivers. Categories of analyses were given, and possible perceive in works of the strong Sodireitos flags that converge to social entrepreneurship as a guideline in the search for a model of human development, social and mainstay vel
Resumo:
This study aimed at examining the representation and the level of knowledge as well as getting acquainted whether there had been significant divergence among three social groups of 3rd year Law students, 7th period Medical students at UFPB and a group of people from the Catholic Church in vila dos pescadores in João Pessoa - about organ donation, transplant law and ethical issues that raise questions. In order to accomplish the qualitative analysis, Bardin´s content analysis technique was applied in conjunction with the Chisquare test which was applied with significance level of 5% to quantitative data. The data revealed that most informants agree with organ donation, Although they are not acquainted with the law of transplants, and with the lack of confidence in the single list of recipients. The problem is that there is an encouragement to trades with organs and the possibility of any person legally authorized to donate organs in life. The statistically significant difference was observed in only two questions, ie, in response to the confidence in the diagnosis of brain death: 64% of 7th period Medical students at UFPB trust this diagnosis versus 12% of the evangelizing group of vila dos pescadores. The other difference refers to the answer about the confidence in the single list of recipients: 36% of the 7th period Medical students of UFPB said to trust the list versus 12% of the 3rd law students of UFPB. This is was a multidisciplinary study with Involvement of lawyers and doctors
Resumo:
In the last three decades, the Brazilian social dynamics evidenced increasing requirements in the public security, in the search not only for efficient and efficient police institutions, however that they added in its daily one, positions more adjusted to the Democratic State of Right and a bigger respect to the human rights and the citizenship. In this direction, the practical one of the police violence has been hardly debated in the media and the academics institutions, in the search for elements that clarify its roots and elements of intervention that allow to its control and reduction. The research considers, from the study of the social representations constructed by the soldiers of the Military Policy of the Rio Grande do Norte, having as objects the police violence, searching to evidence the central elements of these representations and its practical reproduction in the daily one, while a products of habitus effective in the institution
Resumo:
This study reflects on the conflicts that exist between the different forms of participation and the political representation manifested by community organizations and social movements in the city of Natal/RN. The objective is to better understand the process of political participation of the popular classes and how the different actors have represented collective demands in the struggle for rights. To this end, we mapped the organizations, social movements and participation spaces, through a type of participant research, in which we had the opportunity to experience and study different forms of collective action and events instigated by the community organizations and the Movement for the Struggle in the Neighborhoods, Villages and Slums (Movimento de Luta nos Bairros, Vilas e Favelas) MLB. From the theoretical contributions of authors such as Maria da Glória Gohn, Marco Aurélio Nogueira, Virginia Fontes, Vera da Silva Telles, Roberto Da Matta and Carlos Montaño, as well as the empirical data collected, the study revealed that on representing their segments and occupying different spaces of participation, some actors have formed partnerships with the State, putting collective demands on a second plane. Contrarily, other actors have articulated their struggle around collective demands and manifested through direct action, mobilizing and asserting themselves in defense of a project for society
Resumo:
Esta dissertação é um estudo sobre as representações e práticas sociais relativas à construção da conjugalidade homoafetiva e o direito de reconhecimento. Nesse contexto, são analisados os embates ideológicos decorrentes das tentativas de redefinição das representações e práticas sociais relativas à família e a conjugalidade, em sua feição heterocêntrica, a partir das disputas em torno do reconhecimento social e jurídico das uniões homoafetivas, desencadeadas no contexto da sociedade brasileira, a partir da apresentação, no Congresso Nacional, do Projeto de Lei n° 1.151/95, da Deputada Marta Suplicy, que disciplina a união civil entre pessoas do mesmo sexo
Resumo:
This study has as a goal to establish a relationship between public sidewalk characteristics of Lagoa Nova District (neighborhood), in Natal and the kind of citizens whose constructions and maintenance layouts reflects. It‟s understood here as public sidewalk, specifically, the place reserved for passers-by traffic, located between public lots and vehicles pavements. It‟s a concern to make a brief survey about the occupation of this particular region and a detailed description over physical characteristic of its sidewalks that shows several obstacles for passers-by accessibility, trying to find possible factors that explain the problematic format , once, at the first sight, most of accessibility of passers-by is compromised. It‟ also, searched, local population thoughts regarding occupation notions about this environment, just like as cultural, political and economical aspects that might influence upon snatching these hybrid places located between private and public border line. It‟s confirmed that the nowadays sidewalks‟ shapes is not only citizenship reflection or a lack of it but shows it as an active agent related with the construction of this set of fundamental rights and duties vital for harmonical co-living local citizens
Resumo:
According to the Public National Security Plan, the security is "[ ] a right by democratic excellence legitimately desired by all sectors of society, which is the fundamental right of citizenship, obligation of the constitutional state and responsibility of each one of us." The 1988 Constitution recognized the rights of life, liberty and personal integrity, considered torture and racial discrimination as crimes. The prime directive of the National Security and Citizenship (Law No. 11,707 of June 19, 2008 - PRONASCI-Brazil) expresses the commitment of the Brazilian state with the promotion of human rights. But despite this formal recognition, official violence continues to be used as a means of maintaining social order, consolidating a police action violating human rights (Amnesty International report "They go in shooting" - AI Index: AMR 19/025/2005) . This thesis analyzes the police work combined with the extension of citizenship rights, the spaces of freedom and democracy as a measure for the degree of affirmation or denial of the Human Rights in Brazil, and proposes the construction of a human friendly Police Force (Post - Colonial, Post-Abyss, Intercultural and Democratic)
Resumo:
Esta tesis trata de discutir y entender los diversos tipos de redes sociales y formas de interacción social presentes en el sistema penitenciario de Rio Grande do Norte. Nuestro problema se basa en un incremento significativo en las tasas de encarcelamiento y la prisión en Brasil y el mundo en los últimos diez años. Asimismo, la aparición del crimen organizado ya, en cierta medida, el control de las prisiones brasileñas, como el Comando Vermelho (CV) y el Primeiro Comando da Capital (PCC), una consecuencia directa de las terribles condiciones de las prisiones de Brasil y aumento de la violencia y el crimen en nuestro país. Para resolver el problema, se optó por utilizar las categorías de análisis de Michel Foucault (prisión y la disciplina), Pierre Bourdieu (habitus y campo), Ervirng Goffman (institución total, de interacción, de fachada y de equipo) y Mark Granovetter, Ricardo Abramovay e João Peixoto, entre otros, la nueva sociología económica (Redes, nodos y lazos) como principal apoyo. También construyó una revisión histórica de la cárcel en Brasil y Rio Grande do Norte hasta llegar al objeto. Esto, en términos de investigación cualitativa, se sumergió en el mundo de las prisiones Dr. Francisco Nogueira Fernandes, conocido como Penitenciario de Alcaçuz, ubicado en el municipio de Nísia Bosque, Rio Grande do Norte. Penitenciaría del Estado de origen, las casas de Alcaçuz seiscientos cuarenta y tres reclusos, divididos en cinco pabellones, un total de ciento cuarenta y siete células. Mediante la observación sistemática y la entrevista cualitativa s semi-estructurada como las principales fuentes de recopilación de datos, hemos tratado de explicar el universo que acabamos de analizar por las Ciencias Sociales. Nos dimos cuenta de que, para cumplir con la escena nacional, regaliz viola de manera flagrante lo que se denomina en la Constitución de 1988 y LEP (Ley de Ejecución Penal), sin tener en cuenta los derechos de los individuos a una porción de una oración con un mínimo de dignidad. Se ha demostrado que las personas que permean el universo proviene de un ambiente de la prisión, la sociabilidad violenta, sedo también tienen un habitus precario. La prisión, espacio disciplinario y un tipo específico de interacción social marcada por el control, contribuye a la profundización de habitus, pero que muestra que no es también como un espacio cerrado en absoluto, sino un lugar donde penetran las redes y dinámicas muy social. Al mismo tiempo, se encontró que más de la presencia de "grupos organizados" es el espacio en las cárceles para la interacción social y las redes sociales que pasan dentro y fuera de su espacio