929 resultados para Democratic Party (Pa.)
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This article assesses whether changes in government choice for policy concertation with trade unions and employers are better explained by international or domestic factors. We compare patterns of corporatist governance in a strongly Europeanized policy domain (labor migration policy) and in a weakly Europeanized policy domain (welfare state reforms) over the last 20 years in Austria and Switzerland. We show that there is no systematic difference in patterns of concertation between the two policy sectors and that factors linked to party politics play a bigger role in the choice of governments for concertation. If the base of party support for policies is divided, governments are more prone to resort to corporatist concertation as a way to build compromises for potentially controversial or unpopular policies. By contrast, ideologically cohesive majority coalitions are less prone to resort to concertation because they do not need to build compromises outside their base of party support.
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Cette thèse étudie l'engagement des intellectuels de gauche dans la vie politique suisse, de 1945 à 1968. D'une part, il s'agit de retracer l'évolution du statut des intellectuels, que ce soit dans ou hors des partis. D'autre part, il est question d'analyser les débats politiques au sein desquels ces intellectuels furent impliqués, et la manière dont ces débats suscitèrent des clivages entre eux. De ce point de vue, nous mettons en lumière les différents courants et groupes formés par les intellectuels progressistes, souvent structurés autour de revues ; il s'agit aussi bien d'étudier l'engagement de personnalités sociales-démocrates que des communistes prosoviétiques, sans oublier les chrétiens pacifistes ou les intellectuels proches de la gauche radicale antistalinienne. S'agissant de l'évolution du statut des acteurs étudiés, ce travail souligne le déclin de la figure de l'intellectuel de gauche organiquement lié à son parti, souvent issu du milieu ouvrier, au profit d'intellectuels critiques, généralement au bénéfice d'une formation académique et revendiquant une certaine autonomie par rapport aux organisations politiques. Du point de vue des débats politiques, l'engagement des intellectuels de gauche est envisagé à la lumière de trois périodes. Tout d'abord, nous étudions la phase de l'immédiat après-guerre (1945-1949), marquée par une poussée de la gauche, y compris prosoviétique, qui met en cause le conservatisme politique issu des années de Mobilisation. Nous étudions ensuite les années les plus tendues de la guerre froide, entre 1950 et 1962, durant lesquelles la vie politique et intellectuelle en Suisse est dominée par un fort anticommunisme, auquel se rallient les dirigeants du Parti socialiste. Pourtant, l'engagement de certains intellectuels progressistes, en particulier dans le mouvement pacifiste, met en cause le consensus politique de guerre froide. Enfin, dans une troisième partie, nous montrons comment la critique intellectuelle de gauche se renforce après 1962, à la faveur de la détente Est-Ouest sur le plan international, et avec l'essor, en Suisse même, du mouvement des « non- conformistes ». Ce mouvement est animé par des intellectuels qui dénoncent le conservatisme helvétique, les excès de l'anticommunisme ou qui affirment leur solidarité avec les travailleurs immigrés en Suisse, aussi bien qu'avec les mouvements sociaux dans les pays du tiers-monde. Nous montrons en particulier comment l'engagement de ces intellectuels progressistes contribue à préparer le terrain pour les mobilisations de la jeunesse qui surviendront dans les « années 1968 ». -- This thesis adresses the political commitment of left-wing intellectuals in Switzerland between 1945 and 1968. It aims, on the one hand, to examine how the status of intellectuals developed within and outside of political parties. On the other hand, it endeavours to understand the political debates that involved and sometimes split these intellectuals. In this intent, we examine the various political orientations and formations that brought left-wing intellectuals together - often around dedicated periodicals - such as the Social-democratic, the Communist, the Christian Progressist or the anti-Stalinist Marxist movements. Regarding the evolving status of left-wing opinion leaders, we observe the decline of the organic, party-affiliated intellectuals - often from a working class background. By contrast, critical academics - left-wing oriented but.not directly linked to a political formation - became prevailing figures. Concerning left-wing intellectuals' involvement in the political debate, we differentiate three historical periods. Firstly, the immediate postwar years (1945-1949) were characterised by the strengthening of a left-wing faction, including pro-Soviet forces, which criticized the conservative political consensus built up during the War. Secondly, during the most tense years of the Cold War (1950-1962), the Swiss political and intellectual life became widely dominated by a strong anticommunism, supported by the Social-Democratic leaders. Still, the commitment of certain progressist intellectuals, particularly in the pacifist movement, called into question the political consensus resulting from the Cold War. This questioning strengthened after 1962, in the context of the Détente, corresponding to the rise of the "non-conformist" movement. This movement stemmed from progressist intellectuals, who criticized the Swiss conservatism, and the excesses of official anticommunism, while declaring their solidarity with immigrant workers or with the social movements in the Third World. We show in particular how these intellectuals paved the way for the youth mobilization due to occur in the "1968 years".
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This thesis consists of four articles and an introductory section. The main research questions in all the articles are about proportionality and party success in Europe, at European, national or district levels. Proportionality in this thesis denotes the proximity of seat shares parties receive compared to their respective vote shares, after the electoral system’s allocation process. This proportionality can be measured through numerous indices that illustrate either the overall proportionality of an electoral system or a particular election. The correspondence of a single party’s seat shares to its vote shares can also be measured. The overall proportionality is essential in three of the articles (1, 2 and 4), where the system’s performance is studied by means of plots. In article 3, minority party success is measured by advantage-ratios that reveal single party’s winnings or losses in the votes to seat allocation process. The first article asks how proportional are the European parliamentary (EP) electoral systems, how do they compare with results gained from earlier studies and how do the EP electoral systems treat different sized parties. The reasons for different outcomes are looked for in explanations given by traditional electoral studies i.e. electoral system variables. The countries studied (EU15) apply electoral systems that vary in many important aspects, even though a certain amount of uniformity has been aspired to for decades. Since the electoral systems of the EP elections closely resemble the national elections, the same kinds of profiles emerge as in the national elections. The electoral systems indeed treat the parties differentially and six different profile types can be found. The counting method seems to somewhat determine the profile group, but the strongest variables determining the shape of a countries’ profile appears to be the average district magnitude and number of seats allocated to each country. The second article also focuses on overall proportionality performance of an electoral system, but here the focus is on the impact of electoral system changes. I have developed a new method of visualizing some previously used indices and some new indices for this purpose. The aim is to draw a comparable picture of these electoral systems’ changes and their effects. The cases, which illustrate this method, are four elections systems, where a change has occurred in one of the system variables, while the rest remained unchanged. The studied cases include the French, Greek and British European parliamentary systems and the Swedish national parliamentary system. The changed variables are electoral type (plurality changed to PR in the UK), magnitude (France splitting the nationwide district into eight smaller districts), legal threshold (Greece introducing a three percent threshold) and counting method (d’Hondt was changed to modified Sainte-Laguë in Sweden). The radar plots from elections after and before the changes are drawn for all country cases. When quantifying the change, the change in the plots area that is created has also been calculated. Using these radar plots we can observe that the change in electoral system type, magnitude, and also to some extent legal threshold had an effect on overall proportionality and accessibility for small parties, while the change between the two highest averages counting method had none. The third article studies the success minority parties have had in nine electoral systems in European heterogeneous countries. This article aims to add more motivation as to why we should care how different sized parties are treated by the electoral systems. Since many of the parties that aspire to represent minorities in European countries are small, the possibilities for small parties are highlighted. The theory of consociational (or power-sharing) democracy suggests that, in heterogeneous societies, a proportional electoral system will provide the fairest treatment of minority parties. The OSCE Lund Recommendations propose a number of electoral system features, which would improve minority representation. In this article some party variables, namely the unity of the minority parties and the geographical concentration of the minorities were included among possible explanations. The conclusions are that the central points affecting minority success were indeed these non-electoral system variables rather than the electoral system itself. Moreover, the size of the party was a major factor governing success in all the systems investigated; large parties benefited in all the studied electoral systems. In the fourth article the proportionality profiles are again applied, but this time to district level results in Finnish parliamentary elections. The level of proportionality distortion is also studied by way of indices. The average magnitudes during the studied periodrange from 7.5 to 26.2 in the Finnish electoral districts and this opens up unequal opportunities for parties in different districts and affects the shape of the profiles. The intra-country case allows the focus to be placed on the effect of district magnitude, since all other electoral systems are kept constant in an intra-country study. The time span in the study is from 1962 to 2007, i.e. the time that the districts have largely been the same geographically. The plots and indices tell the same story, district magnitude and electoral alliances matter. The district magnitude is connected to the overall proportionality of the electoral districts according to both indices, and the profiles are, as expected, also closer to perfect proportionality in large districts. Alliances have helped some small parties to gain a much higher seat share than their respective vote share and these successes affect some of the profiles. The profiles also show a consistent pattern of benefits for the small parties who ally with the larger parties.
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This paper analyzes the effects of parliamentary representation on road infrastructure expenditure during the Spanish Restoration. Using a panel dataset of Spanish provinces in 1880-1914 we find that the allocation of administrative resources among provinces depended both on the delegation characteristics (such as the share of MPs with party leadership positions, and their degree of electoral independence), and the regime"s global search for stability. These results point to the importance of electoral dynamics within semi-democratic political systems, and offer an example of the influence of government tactics on infrastructure allocation.
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This paper analyzes the effects of parliamentary representation on road infrastructure expenditure during the Spanish Restoration. Using a panel dataset of Spanish provinces in 1880-1914 we find that the allocation of administrative resources among provinces depended both on the delegation characteristics (such as the share of MPs with party leadership positions, and their degree of electoral independence), and the regime"s global search for stability. These results point to the importance of electoral dynamics within semi-democratic political systems, and offer an example of the influence of government tactics on infrastructure allocation.
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Fibrinolytic therapy with Recombinant Tissue-Plasminogen Activator (rt-PA) is currently the only effective treatment for ischaemic stroke in its acute phase. Even though its use generally improves the prognosis of those patients likely to receive it, rt-PA administration is associated to several risks, such as haemorrhagic transformation ofthe ischaemic lesion and activation of excitotoxic mechanisms that may contribute to an increase in mortality or to a poor outcome in certain occasions, specially when arterial recanalization is not achieved or the rt-PA is lately administrated. Since in the last few years the role of glutamate in the neurotoxicity associated toischaemia has been widely studied and it is known that high plasma glutamate levels are predictors of ischaemic lesion growth and poor neurological outcome, it is necessary to find out which factors can contribute to glutamate release in the brain. The aim of this study is to determine if rt-PA administration is related to an increase in plasma glutamate levels, as well as to define if higher plasma glutamate levels at admission are related to different evolution and prognosis of our patients, both in those in which recanalisation is achieved and not. A series of cases of patients with hemispheric cerebral infarction admitted in our hospital during a year will be studied, and the data obtained from them will be compared to the data obtained from a control group, the samples of wich were takenyears ago, before rt-PA was routinely used
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Analytical procedures used for determining the concentrations and isotope composition of strontium in subsurface waters, by mass spectrometry, are described. Sampling was performed in coastal plateaus, salt marsh and mangrove environments in the coastal region of Pará. Coastal plateau waters have delta87Sr between 1.51 and 6.26 and Sr concentration bellow 58 ppb. Salt marsh waters show delta87Sr between 0.55 and 0.90 and Sr concentration between 93 and 114 ppm, while mangrove waters have delta87Sr around zero and Sr concentration above 15 ppm. Differences in the 87Sr/86Sr ratio in these subsurface waters are detected, as well as seasonal variations in the coastal pleteau waters.
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In Dewey, philosophy and education are inseparable. It is often forgotten that Dewey’s conception of school and education has only been possible because he conceived thought in terms of lived experience, of constantly tested experience, of incessant research; in other words, of 'continuous search' of 'effective means of action'. In addition, according to Dewey, true education is an education in democracy, and that means investing in an education that deals with thought. The service to democratic progress is done precisely through an education in reasonability and taking into account the experience
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This paper evaluates the occurrence of nitrate and ammonium in the Barreiras aquifer in the metropolitan area of Belém, Pará State, Brazil. The results show that some wells display ammonium and nitrate concentrations above or close to the limits of water potability regulations. The main cause of the pollution of these waters is related the local disposal of domestic effluents and/or leakage from pipes of old sewage systems.
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Imagens do sensor TM/Landsat-5 referentes às bandas de TM1 a TM5 e TM7 do município de Altamira-PA, Brasil, da passagem de 20/7/1991, modificadas para 60, 100, 120, 200 e 250 m, foram utilizadas para avaliar a influência da resolução espacial na identificação de floresta, capoeira nova, capoeira madura e não-floresta. Mapas temáticos (um para cada resolução espacial) foram elaborados, considerando a aplicação de um algoritmo de classificação digital Bhattacharya (supervisionado), seguido da interpretação visual. A área de cada uma dessas categorias foi determinada em cada um dos mapas temáticos, tomando as imagens com 30 m de resolução espacial como referência. A exatidão de mapeamento foi avaliada, utilizando a exatidão global, o índice kappa e o índice Tau. Verificou-se que: a) as maiores discrepâncias em termos quantitativos ocorreram nos mapas gerados a partir das imagens com 200 m de resolução espacial; b) as categorias que dominavam a cena em termos espectrais e espaciais aumentaram à medida que a resolução espacial foi degradada; c) os mapas elaborados a partir de imagens com resolução espacial de 200 m apresentaram ligeira confusão na identificação dos temas; e d) a confusão espectral entre os temas não apresentou tendência linear com a gradativa degradação da resolução espectral.
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Imagens TM/Landsat 5 (bandas TM1-TM5 e TM7) de Altamira, PA, de 07.02.1991 foram transformadas em reflectância de superfície usando o modelo 6S de correção atmosférica com o objetivo de caracterizar espectralmente formações florestais secundárias. Dados biofísicos (DAP, G e H) foram coletados de 16 parcelas em campo, os quais foram utilizados no cálculo da área basal total (GT) e da rugosidade do dossel (Rug) e no estabelecimento de correlações entre os valores de reflectância de superfície dessas mesmas parcelas. Os coeficientes de correlação mais elevados foram verificados nas relações com a banda TM7. Regressões lineares foram estabelecidas tendo como variável dependente os parâmetros biofísicos e como variável independente, os valores de reflectância de superfície da banda TM7, a partir das quais foram elaborados mapas temáticos representativos da distribuição espacial dos parâmetros biofísicos. A reflectância de superfície não foi sensível a valores pequenos de dados biofísicos. Apesar disso, a metodologia aqui empregada mostrou-se eficaz para estimativas remotas de dados dendrométricos.
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Este trabalho foi realizado com o objetivo de analisar o comportamento de variáveis de povoamento como área basal, volume, altura, diâmetro médio quadrático e número de árvores por hectare, ao longo do tempo. Para isso, foram utilizados dados de inventários florestais contínuos de plantações clonais de híbridos de Eucalyptus urophylla x E. grandis não-desbastados, provenientes da empresa JARI CELULOSE S/A, no Estado do Pará. Foram selecionadas 63 parcelas permanentes, igualmente distribuídas em três classes de capacidade produtiva. Após as análises, verificou-se que as variáveis do povoamento possuíam relação direta com a capacidade produtiva do sítio ou local, apresentando diferentes taxas de crescimento ao longo do tempo; durante as idades iniciais, o número de árvores sobreviventes nos melhores sítios é maior do que nos piores. No entanto, com o passar do tempo há maior mortalidade nos melhores locais, invertendo esse comportamento.