756 resultados para DROGAS - LEGISLACIÓN - COLOMBIA


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Studies on terrorism have traditionally focused on non-state actors who direct violence against liberal states. These studies also tend to focus on political motivations and, therefore, have neglected the economic functions of terrorism. This article challenges the divorce of the political and economic spheres by highlighting how states can use terrorism to realise interconnected political and economic goals. To demonstrate this, we take the case of the paramilitary demobilisation process in Colombia and show how it relates to the US-Colombian free trade agreement. We argue that the demobilisation process fulfils a dual role. First, the process aims to improve the image of the Colombian government required to pass the controversial free trade agreement through US Congress to protect large amounts of US investment in the country. Second, the demobilisation process serves to mask clear continuities in paramilitary terror that serve mutually supportive political and economic functions for US investment in Colombia.

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The conventional wisdom in the transitional justice literature is that there is no one-size-fits-all approach. This article suggests that this may also be true within a given state. The current paper reports on quantitative and qualitative data from 184 participants in a survey conducted in the Caribbean coast of Colombia. Results suggest widespread support for transitional justice mechanisms – such as perpetrator accountability, public acknowledgement and structural change – but dissatisfaction with national-level initiatives, specifically the 2005 Justice and Peace Law. Yet, despite a distrust of the national government and protracted conflict, individuals report social trust, community cohesion and reliance on local government institutions. These attitudes and behaviours suggest that decentralised transitional justice mechanisms may be more effective in meeting victims' needs. Moreover, analyses indicate that individual preferences are influenced by community factors, such as the presence of demobilised paramilitaries, which can be addressed through more localised approaches to promote peacebuilding. The paper concludes with best practices derived from the findings.

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This chapter explores the responsibility of armed non-state actors for reparations to victims. Traditionally international law has focused on the responsibility of the state, and more recently the responsibility of convicted individuals before the International Criminal Court, to provide reparations for international crimes. Yet despite the prevalence of internal armed conflict over the past few decades, there responsibility of armed groups for reparations has been neglected in international law. Although there is a tentative emerging basis for armed groups to provide reparations under international law, such developments have not yet crystallized into hard law. However, when considering the more substantive practice of states in Northern Ireland, Colombia and Uganda, a greater effort can be discerned in ensuring that such organizations are responsible for reparations. This paper finds that not only can armed non-state actors be held collectively responsible for reparations, but due to the growing number of internal armed conflict they can play an important role in ensuring the effectiveness of reparations in remedying victims’ harm. Yet, finding armed groups responsible for reparations is no panacea for accountability, due to the nature of armed conflicts, responsibility may not be distinct, but overlapping and joint, and such groups may face difficulties in meeting their obligations, thus requiring a holistic approach and subsidiary role for the state.

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Civic participation is important for peacebuilding and democratic development; however, the role of mental health has been largely overlooked by policymakers aiming to stimulate engagement in civil society. This study investigated antecedents of civic participation in Colombia, a setting of protracted political conflict, using bootstrapped mediation in path analysis. Past exposure to violence, experience with community antisocial behavior, and perceived social trust were all significantly related to civic participation. In addition, depression mediated the impact of past exposure to political violence and perceived social trust, but not community antisocial behavior, on civic participation. In this context, findings challenged depictions of helpless victims and instead suggested that when facing greater risk (past violence exposure and community antisocial behavior), individuals responded in constructive ways, taking on agency in their communities. Social trust in one’s neighbors and community also facilitated deeper engagement in civic life. Relevant to the mediation test, interventions aiming to increase civic participation should take mental health into account. Limitations and possible future research are discussed.

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Given the increase of reconciliation processes initiated amid on-going violence, this study focuses on community reconciliation and its relation to structural transformation, or social reconstruction through reforming unjust institutions and practices that facilitate protracted violent conflict. Drawing lessons from the Caribbean coast of Colombia, mixed method analyses include eight in-depth interviews and 184 surveys. Four key dimensions of reconciliation – truth, justice, mercy, peace – are examined. In the interviews, participants prioritize reconstructing the truth and bringing perpetrators to justice as essential aspects of reconciliation. Notions of mercy and forgiveness are less apparent. For the participants, sustainable peace is dependent on structural transformation to improve livelihoods. These data, however, do not indicate how this understanding of reconciliation may relate to individual participation in reconciliation processes. Complementing the qualitative data, quantitative analyses identify some broad patterns that relate to participation in reconciliation events. Compared to those who did not participate, individuals who engaged in reconciliation initiatives report higher levels of personal experience with violence, live alongside demobilized paramilitaries, are more engaged in civic life, and express greater preference for structural transformation. The paper concludes with policy implications that integrate reconciliation and structural transformation to deepen efforts to rebuild the social fabric amid violence.

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El presente trabajo quiere presentar un panorama de los grupos étnicos indígenas que hoy pueblan el territorio colombiano. La "visión etnológica sobre los grupos étnicos indígenas actuales de Colombia con su bibliografía" tiene como objeto presentar la riqueza étnica de las minorías indígenas que, junto con los negros y blancos, conforman el pueblo colombiano. Como lo indica el título, esta no es una investigación profunda sobre cada grupo, pero es una recopilación de datos, informes y libros ya existentes para dar una visión de cada grupo étnico mencionado, aunque sobre algunos los datos son escasos, por varias razones que especialmente debido a la poca literatura eústente en la etnología actual. Después del índice, la introducción y agradecimientos, se encuentra la bibliografia general, a la cual sigue la presentación de los deparamentos, intendencias y comisarías donde existen los resguardos y las reservas indígenas, complementados al final del trabajo con su respectivo mapa; en cada resguardo o reserva aparece entre paréntesis el número bajo el cual se puede buscar en el mapa. A continuación se éncuentta la clasificación de los grupos étnicos por familias lingüísticas y la descripción de cada uno, ordenados alfabéticamente, divididos en subtítulos como nominación, o bajo cuales nombres se conoce el grupo, localización, resguardos y/o reservas indígenas, lengua y/o familia linguística a Ia cual pertenece, vivienda, economía, vestidos y adornos, organización socio-política, creencias y rituales, aculturación. Aunque los subtítulos no se compaften siempre, debido a la escasez de trabajos sobre algunos grupos y/o a su falta de disponibilidad, espero que aún de este modo el presente trabajo será de utilidad y por ello despuás de cada gupo se menciona la bibliografía de los trabajos existentes sobre el mismo, para quienes quieran profundizar sus conocimientos sobre el tema.

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The potential of online learning has long afforded the hope of providing quality education to anyone, anywhere in the world. The recent development of Massive Open Online Courses (MOOCs) heralded an exciting new breakthrough by providing free academic instruction and professional skills development from the world’s leading universities to anyone with the sufficient resources to access the internet. The research in Advancing MOOCs for Development Initiative study was designed to analyze the MOOC landscape in developing countries and to better understand the motivations of MOOC users and afford insights on the advantages and limitations of MOOCs for workforce development outcomes. The key findings of this study challenge commonly held beliefs about MOOC usage in developing countries, defying typical characterizations of how people in resource constrained settings use technology for learning and employment. In fact, some of the findings are so contrary to what has been reported in the U.S. and other developed environments that they raise new questions for further investigation.

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Colombia’s Internet connectivity has increased immensely. Colombia has also ‘opened for business’, leading to an influx of extractive projects to which social movements object heavily. Studies on the role of digital media in political mobilisation in developing countries are still scarce. Using surveys, interviews, and reviews of literature, policy papers, website and social media content, this study examines the role of digital and social media in social movement organisations and asks how increased digital connectivity can help spread knowledge and mobilise mining protests. Results show that the use of new media in Colombia is hindered by socioeconomic constraints, fear of oppression, the constraints of keyboard activism and strong hierarchical power structures within social movements. Hence, effects on political mobilisation are still limited. Social media do not spontaneously produce non-hierarchical knowledge structures. Attention to both internal and external knowledge sharing is therefore conditional to optimising digital and social media use.

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RESUMO: Desde 1976 que as Forças Armadas desenvolvem acções de prevenção do consumo de drogas e álcool. Na década de 80 foi criada capacidade laboratorial e deu-se início a um programa de rastreios toxicológicos. No quinquénio 2001 a 2005, as proporções de resultados positivos, associando todos os tipos de rastreio, variaram entre 3,7% e 1,5%. De Outubro de 2006 a Julho de 2007 realizou-se um estudo analítico transversal, para estimar a prevalência do consumo de drogas (canabinóides, opiáceos, cocaína e anfetaminas) num dos Ramos das Forças Armadas, com base nos despistes realizados pelo seu laboratório. Foi utilizada uma amostra aleatória simples de 1039 militares, profissionais (QP) e contratados (RC), no activo e de ambos os sexos. Desde a nomeação dos militares a rastrear, passando pela cadeia de custódia das amostras até à obtenção do resultado foi utilizado apoio informático específico. O processo de pesquisa utilizou duas técnicas de triagem por imunoensaio e tecnologia de confirmação por GC/MS, de acordo com as recomendações europeias, permitindo estabelecer uma metodologia standard para organizações e empresas. A prevalência estimada, de consumidores de droga, foi de 3,8/1.000, para um erro de 0,37%. O número de casos registado (4) não permitiu a utilização de testes estatísticos que conduzissem à identificação de características determinantes da positividade, mas não deixou de revelar aspectos inesperados. A observação de séries de casos e a realização regular de estudos epidemiológicos, que ajudem a redefinir grupos alvo e a perceber a dimensão, as determinantes e as consequências do consumo de drogas é sugerida, em conclusão.--------------------------------------- RÉSUMÉ: Depuis 1976, les Forces Armées mettent au point des mesures visant à prévenir la consommation de drogues et d'alcool. En 1980, fut créé capacité laboratoriel et ont ensuite commencé un programme de dépistage toxicologique. Au cours des cinq années allant de 2001 à 2005, les proportions de consommateurs, impliquant tous les types de dépistage, allaient de 3,7% à 1,5 %. D'octobre 2006 à juillet 2007, une étude analytique transversale a été organisée pour évaluer la prévalence de l’usage de drogues (cannabis, opiacés, cocaïne et amphétamines) dans une branche de les Forces Armées, basée sur les dépistages faites par un laboratoire militaire, à l'aide d'un échantillon aléatoire de 1039 militaires, professionnels (QP) et sous contract (RC), à l’actif et des deux sexes. Tout au long du procès, de la nomination des donneurs, en passant par la chaine de garde des échantillons, jusqu’à obtention du résultat, il fut employé un appui informatique sécurisé. Le processus de recherche employa deux techniques de tri par imunoessay et la technologie de confirmation GC/MS, selon les recommandations européennes, permettant d'établir une méthodologie standard pour les organisations et les entreprises. La prévalence estimée fut de 3,8/1.000 pour une marge d’erreur de 0,37%. Le nombre de cas enregistrés (4) n'autorise pas l'utilisation de testes statistiques de menant à l'identification de caractéristiques déterminant de la positivité, mais il permet à révéler des aspects inattendus. L'observation de séries de cas et la tenue régulière d’études épidémiologiques, qui contribuent à redéfinir les groupes cibles et de comprendre l'ampleur, les déterminants et les conséquences de l'usage de drogues, est suggéré, en fin de compte.--------------------------------------- ABSTRACT: Since 1976, the Armed Forces, have been developing measures to prevent the use of drugs and alcohol. In 1980, was created laboratory facility which then started a program of toxicological screenings. In the five years running from 2001 to 2005, the proportions of consumers, involving all types of screening, ranged from 3,7% to 1,5%. From October 2006 to July 2007, a cross-sectional study was held to estimate the prevalence of drug use (cannabinoids, opiates, cocaine and amphetamines) in one branch of the Portuguese Armed Forces, based on laboratory screenings, using a random sample of 1039 military, professional (QP) and enlisted (RC), active-duty and of both sexes. Specific computer support was used all the way, from the appointment, including the chain of custody of samples, to the obtaining of the result. The process of search used two techniques for sorting by immunoassay and confirmation technology GC/MS, according to European recommendations, allowing to establish a standard methodology for organizations and companies. The estimated prevalence of drug users was 3.8/1.000 for a 0.37% error (95% confidence interval). The number of cases registered (4) does not permit use of statistical testing leading to the identification of characteristics weighing in the establishing to extrapolate for the population, but it allows revealing unexpected aspects. The observation of series of cases and the regular holding of epidemiological studies, which help redefine target groups and to understand the extent, the determinants and consequences of drug use, is suggested, in conclusion.

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