926 resultados para Conservative-liberalism


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A vertex-centred finite volume method (FVM) for the Cahn-Hilliard (CH) and recently proposed Cahn-Hilliard-reaction (CHR) equations is presented. Information at control volume faces is computed using a high-order least-squares approach based on Taylor series approximations. This least-squares problem explicitly includes the variational boundary condition (VBC) that ensures that the discrete equations satisfy all of the boundary conditions. We use this approach to solve the CH and CHR equations in one and two dimensions and show that our scheme satisfies the VBC to at least second order. For the CH equation we show evidence of conservative, gradient stable solutions, however for the CHR equation, strict gradient-stability is more challenging to achieve.

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The 2000s were marked by a resurgence of interest in creativity and cities. If the rapid global proliferation of the Internet and digital media technologies in the 1990s had set off enthusiasm for a post-industrial ‘new economy’, where the significance of location would be in decline, the 2000s saw an energetic search by artists, entrepreneurs, investors, policy-makers, journalists and many others to uncover the well-springs of creativity and its relationship to place (Flew 2012a). This chapter begins with a discussion of the discourses or ‘scripts’ that have emerged to try and conceptualise the relationship between creativity and cities, notably theories of creative clusters, creative cities and creative class theories. Such work can be seen as representing a growth in the field of cultural economic geography although – as is noted in the chapter – it possesses some significant gaps. Among the issues that are drawn out in this book, and discussed in this chapter, are: the need to move beyond ‘imagined geographies’ of creative inner cities and come to terms with empirical evidence that suggests significant concentrations of the creative workforce in suburbs and regional cities; the relevance of urban cultural policy as a variable in the rise of cities as creative hubs or, in a different model, media capitals; and the challenges of bringing together cultural research with economic discourses in ways that get beyond caricatured representations of the ‘other’, as found, for instance, in some of the most influential framings of the concept of neo-liberalism.

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A recent production of Nicholson’s Shadowlands at the Brisbane Powerhouse could have included two advertising lines: “Outspoken American-Jewish poet meets conservative British Oxford scholar” and “Emotive American Method trained actor meets contained British trained actor.” While the fusion of acting methodologies in intercultural acting has been discussed at length, little discussion has focussed on the juxtaposition of diverse acting styles in production in mainstream theatre. This paper explores how the permutation of American Method acting and a more traditional British conservatory acting in Crossbow’s August 2010 production of Shadowlands worked to add extra layers of meaning to the performance text. This sometimes inimical relationship between two acting styles had its beginnings in the rehearsal room and continued onstage. Audience reception to the play in post-performance discussions revealed the audience’s acute awareness of the transatlantic cultural tensions on stage. On one occasion, this resulted in a heated debate on cultural expression, continuing well after the event, during which audience members became co-performers in the cultural discourses of the play.

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Purpose: Clinical studies suggest that foot pain may be problematic in one-third of patients in early disease. The Foot Health Status Questionnaire (FHSQ) was developed and validated to evaluate the effectiveness of conservative (orthoses, taping, stretching) and surgery interventions. Despite this fact, there are few validated instruments that measure foot health status in Spanish. Thus, the primary aim of the current study was to translate and evaluate psychometrically a Spanish version of FHSQ. Methods: A cross-sectional study was designed in a university community-based podiatric clinic located in south of Spain. All participants (n = 107) recruited consecutively completed a Spanish version of FHSQ and EuroQoL Health Questionnaire 5 dimensions, and 29 participants repeated these same measures 48 h later. Data analysis included test–retest reliability, construct and criterion-related validity and factor analyses. Results: Construct validity was appropriate with moderate-to-high corrected item–subscale correlations (α = ≥0.739) for all subscales. Test–retest reliability was satisfactory (ICC > 0.932). Factor analysis revealed four dimensions with 86.6 % of the common variance explained. The confirmatory factor analysis findings demonstrated that the proposed structure was well supported (comparative fit index = 0.92, standardized root mean square = 0.09). The Spanish EuroQoL 5D score negatively correlated with the FHSQ pain (r = −0.445) and positively with general foot health and function (r = 0.261 − 0.579), confirming criterion-related validity. Conclusion: The clinimetric properties of the Spanish version of FHSQ were satisfactory.

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A fundamental prerequisite of population health research is the ability to establish an accurate denominator. This in turn requires that every individual in the study population is counted. However, this seemingly simple principle has become a point of conflict between researchers whose aim is to produce evidence of disparities in population health outcomes and governments whose policies promote(intentionally or not) inequalities that are the underlying causes of health disparities. Research into the health of asylum seekers is a case in point. There is a growing body of evidence documenting the adverse affects of recent changes in asylum-seeking legislation, including mandatory detention. However, much of this evidence has been dismissed by some governments as being unsound, biased and unscientific because, it is argued, evidence is derived from small samples or from case studies. Yet, it is the policies of governments that are the key barrier to the conduct of rigorous population health research on asylum seekers. In this paper, the authors discuss the challenges of counting asylum seekers and the limitations of data reported in some industrialized countries. They argue that the lack of accurate statistical data on asylum seekers has been an effective neo-conservative strategy for erasing the health inequalities in this vulnerable population, indeed a strategy that renders invisible this population. They describe some alternative strategies that may be used by researchers to obtain denominator data on hard-to-reach populations such as asylum seekers.

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Cold-formed steel members are increasingly used as primary structural elements in the building industries around the world due to the availability of thin and high strength steels and advanced cold-forming technologies. Cold-formed lipped channel beams (LCB) are commonly used as flexural members such as floor joists and bearers. However, their shear capacities are determined based on conservative design rules. For the shear design of LCB web panels, their elastic shear buckling strength must be determined accurately including the potential post-buckling strength. Currently the elastic shear buckling coefficients of LCB web panels are determined by assuming conservatively that the web panels are simply supported at the junction between their flange and web elements. Hence finite element analyses were conducted to investigate the elastic shear buckling behavior of LCBs. An improved equation for the higher elastic shear buckling coefficient of LCBs was proposed based on finite element analysis results and included in the ultimate shear capacity equations of the North American cold-formed steel codes. Finite element analyses show that relatively short span LCBs without flange restraints are subjected to a new combined shear and flange distortion action due to the unbalanced shear flow. They also show that significant post-buckling strength is available for LCBs subjected to shear. New equations were also proposed in which post-buckling strength of LCBs was included.

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Recently updated information has raised a concern over not only the existing cost-ineffective design method but also the unrealistic analysis mode of railroad prestressed concrete sleepers. Because of the deficient knowledge in the past, railway civil engineers have been mostly aware of the over-conservative design methods for structural components in any railway track, which rely on allowable stresses and material strength reductions. Based on a number of proven experiments and field data, it is believed that the concrete sleepers which complied with the allowable stress concept possess unduly untapped fracture toughness. A collaborative research project run by the Australian Cooperative Research Centre for Railway Engineering and Technologies (RailCRC) was initiated to ascertain the reserved capacity of Australian railway prestressed concrete sleepers designed using the existing design code. The findings have led to the development of a new limit states design concept. This briefing highlights the conventional and the new limit states design philosophies and their implication to both the railway and the public community.

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Cold-formed steel beams are increasingly used as floor joists and bearers in buildings and often their behaviour and moment capacities are influenced by lateral-torsional buckling. With increasing usage of cold-formed steel beams their fire safety design has become an important issue. Fire design rules are commonly based on past research on hot-rolled steel beams. Hence a detailed parametric study was undertaken using validated finite element models to investigate the lateral-torsional buckling behaviour of simply supported cold-formed steel lipped channel beams subjected to uniform bending at uniform elevated temperatures. The moment capacity results were compared with the predictions from the available ambient temperature and fire design rules and suitable recommendations were made. European fire design rules were found to be over-conservative while the ambient temperature design rules could not be used based on single buckling curve. Hence a new design method was proposed that includes the important non-linear stress-strain characteristics observed for cold-formed steels at elevated temperatures. Comparison with numerical moment capacities demonstrated the accuracy of the new design method. This paper presents the details of the parametric study, comparisons with current design rules and the new design rules proposed in this research for lateral-torsional buckling of cold-formed steel lipped channel beams at elevated temperatures.

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Current design standards do not provide adequate guidelines for the fire design of cold-formed steel compression members subject to flexural-torsional buckling. Eurocode 3 Part 1.2 (2005) recommends the same fire design guidelines for both hot-rolled and cold-formed steel compression members subject to flexural-torsional buckling although considerable behavioural differences exist between cold-formed and hot-rolled steel members. Past research has recommended the use of ambient temperature cold-formed steel design rules for the fire design of cold-formed steel compression members provided appropriately reduced mechanical properties are used at elevated temperatures. To assess the accuracy of flexural-torsional buckling design rules in both ambient temperature cold-formed steel design and fire design standards, an experimental study of slender cold-formed steel compression members was undertaken at both ambient and elevated temperatures. This paper presents the details of this experimental study, its results, and their comparison with the predictions from the current design rules. It was found that the current ambient temperature design rules are conservative while the fire design rules are overly conservative. Suitable recommendations have been made in relation to the currently available design rules for flexural-torsional buckling including methods of improvement. Most importantly, this paper has addressed the lack of experimental results for slender cold-formed steel columns at elevated temperatures.

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In May 2011, the Centre for Crime and Justice Studies published Lessons for the Coalition: an end of term report on New Labour and Criminal Justice (Silvestri, 2011). In that collection I described Labour's performance on environmental issues as ‘too little too late’. The UK experienced a period of Blair/Brown environmental governance that demonstrated ‘symbolic success but real failure’. Amongst New Labour's environmental achievements were the establishment of the Climate Change Act 2008, the creation of the Department of Energy and Climate Change and the establishment of numerous green quangos to oversee and implement a range of environmental policies. However, these steps forward were seemingly threatened by the early days of a Cameron-led coalition where austerity measure, trade and the abolition of green quangos were on the cards. In sum, I concluded ‘future UK government report cards on the environment do not look good’ (Walters, 2011). After two and half years of a Conservative/Liberal Democratic coalition, and much rhetoric about it being ‘the greenest government ever’, the interim report card for the Cameron government on environmental matters is grim reading indeed. The demise of green quangos, record carbon emissions, renewable energies policies stultified, environmental criminality and victimisation all but ignored, and billions of pounds lost to environmental corporate fraudsters are just some of the headlines of Tory inspired governance with much environmental rhetoric and no environmental results.

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Discourses of public education reform, like that exemplified within the Queensland Government’s future vision document, Queensland State Education-2010 (QSE-2010), position schooling as a panacea to pervasive social instability and a means to achieve a new consensus. However, in unravelling the many conflicting statements that conjoin to form education policy and inform related literature (Ball, 1993), it becomes clear that education reform discourse is polyvalent (Foucault, 1977). Alongside visionary statements that speak of public education as a vehicle for social justice are the (re)visionary or those reflecting neoliberal individualism and a conservative politics. In this paper, it is argued that the latter coagulate to form strategic discursive practices which work to (re)secure dominant relations of power. Further, discussion of the characteristics needed by the “ideal” future citizen of Queensland reflect efforts to ‘tame change through the making of the child’ (Popkewitz, 2004, p.201). The casualties of this (re)vision and the refusal to investigate the pathologies of “traditional” schooling are the children who, for whatever reason, do not conform to the norm of the desired school child as an “ideal” citizen-in-the-making and who become relegated to alternative educational settings.

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Foreword For children and youth, as citizens in a society, being a part of educational systems means being involved in a community. Through participation in educational systems, there is important learning about the self and others, both for individual development and social solidarity. Individual development and social solidarity are interrelated. These are important values in education at all levels. Individuals are social beings and are necessarily interdependent on others. Nevertheless, individualism and social solidarity are values that sometimes can diverge and come into conflict. These values can be defined and interpreted in various ways. In a time of neo-liberalism, for example, where individual choices and rights are put at the forefront of the societal and educational discourses in many countries it is relevant to raise questions on how issues of solidarity and individualism are interpreted and negotiated in education. What kind of shape and definitions do these concepts take when schools and preschools live under the intense pressures for the accountability of educational outcomes(Biesta, 2009)? Under what conditions can values, such as solidarity and individualism, co-exist and develop in multicultural and globalized societies, without one dominating the other...

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This paper conducts an historical and conceptual review of the idea of ‘cultural intermediaries’ and sets up a contrast between the cultural and creative industries. It draws on theorizations of ‘economic imaginaries’ and reconstructs the respective imaginaries of cultural and creative industries. It suggests that the former was organized around the culturalization of the economy and the second around the economization of culture. Nevertheless, there are complicities between them, not least in the contention that a new set of economic developments would redeem the traditional promises of culture.

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This paper takes as its starting point the observation that neoliberalism is a concept that is ‘oft-invoked but ill-defined’ (Mudge 2008: 703). It provides a taxonomy of uses of the term neoliberalism to include: (1) an all-purpose denunciatory category; (2) ‘the way things are’; (3) a particular institutional framework characterizing Anglo-American forms of national capitalism; (4) a dominant ideology of global capitalism; (5) a form of governmentality and hegemony; and (6) a variant within the broad framework of liberalism as both theory and policy discourse. It is argued that this sprawling set of definitions are not mutually compatible, and that uses of the term need to be dramatically narrowed from its current association with anything and everything that a particular author may find objectionable. In particular, it is argued that the uses of the term by Michel Foucault in his 1978-79 lectures, found in The Birth of Biopolitics (Foucault, 2008) are not particularly compatible with its more recent status as a variant of dominant ideology or hegemony theories.

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This paper will compare and evaluate the effectiveness of commercial media lobbying and advocacy against public service media in two countries, the United Kingdom and Australia. The paper will focus empirically on the commercial media coverage of public service media issues in these countries (relating to the BBC and ABC respectively) over the period since the election of the Conservative-led Coalition in Britain in June 2010, and the election of the Gillard government in Australia in August 2010. Reference will be made to preceding periods as relevant to an understanding of the current environment. In both countries the main commercial media rival to public service media is News Corp and its associated organisations – News Ltd and Sky News in Australia, and News International and BSkyB in the UK. The paper will examine with analysis of print and online news and commentary content how News Corp outlets have reported and commented on the activities and plans of public service media as the latter have developed and extended their presence on digital TV and online platforms. It will also consider the responses of the ABC and BBC to these interventions. It will consider, thirdly, the responses of Australian and British governments to these debates, and the policy outcomes. This section of the paper will seek to evaluate the trajectory of the policy-public-private dynamic in recent years, and to draw conclusions as to the future direction of policy. Particular attention will be devoted to recent key moments in this unfolding dialogue. In Britain, debates around the efforts of News Corp to take over 100% of BSkyB, both before and after the breaking of the phone-hacking scandal in July 2011; in Australia, the debate around the National Broadband Network and the competitive tender process for ABC World, that country’s public service transnational broadcaster; and other key moments where rivalry between News Corp companies and public service media became mainstream news stories provoking wider public debate. The paper will conclude with recommendations as to how public service media organisations might engage constructively with commercial organisations in the future, including News Corp, and taking into account emerging technological and financial challenges to traditional rationales for public service provision.