989 resultados para Choruses, Secular.


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Conventional wisdom on party systems in advanced industrial democracies holds that modern electorates are dealigned and that social cleavages no longer structure party politics. Recent work on class cleavages has challenged this stylized fact. The analysis performed here extends this criticism to the religious-secular cleavage. Using path analysis and comparing the current electorates of the United States, Germany, and Great Britain with the early 1960s, this paper demonstrates that the religious-secular cleavage remains or has become a significant predictor of conservative vote choice. While the effects of the religious-secular cleavage on vote choice have become largely indirect, the total of the direct and indirect effects is substantial and equivalent to the effects of class and status.

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The term “culture war” has become a generic expression for secular-catholic conflicts across nineteenth-century Europe. Yet, if measured by acts of violence, anticlericalism peaked in the years between 1927 and 1939, when thousands of Catholic priests and believers were imprisoned or executed and hundreds of churches razed in Mexico, Spain and Russia. This essay argues that not only in these three countries, but indeed across Europe a culture war raged in the interwar period. It takes, as a case study, the interaction of communist and Catholic actors located in the Vatican, the Soviet Union, and Germany in the period between the beginning of the Pontificate of Pius XI in 1922 and Hitler’s appointment as chancellor of Germany in 1933. Using correspondence and reports from the Vatican archives, this essay shows how Papal officials and communist leaders each sought to mobilize the German populace to achieve their own diplomatic ends. German Catholics and communists gladly responded to the call to arms that sounded from Rome and Moscow in 1930, but they did so also to further their own domestic goals. The case study shows how national contexts inflected the transnational dynamics of radical anti-Catholicism in interwar Europe. In the end, agitation against “godlessness” did not lead to the return of a “Christian State” desired by many conservative Christians. Instead, the culture war further destabilized the republic and added a religious dimension to a landscape well suited to National Socialist efforts to reach a Christian population otherwise mistrustful of its völkisch and anticlerical elements.

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The paper addresses the possibility of the existence of a ‘hidden curriculum’ in nineteenth- and early twentieth-century National Schools by comparing working practices evident from an analysis of a sample of schools from two case study areas in the north of Ireland – Derry City and the rural area of Boho/Derrygonnelly in western County Fermanagh. The relationship between the placement of the school buildings and variations in their external appearances are examined in respect to their relationships with different churches. The possible significance of this relationship is scrutinised given that the primary aim of the National School system was joint secular education in a religiously divided society. Both the external and internal architecture of the buildings are also examined for the purposes of reconstructing aspects of the intentions and practices that governed their use. In particular, the relationship between allocated space and the categories of age and gender are studied by means of an access analysis of the floor plans of a representative sample of primary schools from both case study areas. Information derived from oral history accounts, archived material from the Public Record Office of Northern Ireland (PRONI) and school registers is used to supplement the findings obtained from the architectural analyses.

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An article on a single poem by Mark Doty, published as part of the "Hospitable Forms: Post-Secular Thought in New-Century Poetics" feature.

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Religion is alive and well all over the world, especially in times of personal, political, and social crisis. Even in Europe, long regarded as the most 'secular' continent, religion has taken centre stage in how people respond to the crises associated with modernity, or how they interact with the nation-state. In this book, scholars working in and on Europe offer fresh perspectives on how religion provides answers to existential crisis, how crisis increases the salience of religious identities and cultural polarization, and how religion is contributing to changes in the modern world in Europe and beyond. Cases from Poland to Pakistan and from Ireland to Zimbabwe, among others, demonstrate the complexity and ambivalence of religion's role in the contemporary world.

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Forms of integrated schooling are currently promoted in post-conflict Northern Ireland, but an earlier attempt to establish secular education in Ireland during the nineteenth and early twentieth centuries – the Irish National Schools system – is often forgotten. A preliminary archaeological study of former National Schools indicated differences in size, placement and external appearance between rural and urban buildings, possibly linked to the expression of divergent cultural and religious traditions in conflict with the reforming principles of the national system. This paper uses archaeological and anthropological perspectives to examine the social and cultural significance of such schools, including the first recorded excavation of an Irish National School, in relation to their past and current significance for education, identity, landscape, place and kinship.

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The “religious understanding” of dignity is a topic of considerable complexity and is the subject of extensive scholarship. In this paper, I consider understandings of dignity that are currently under discussion in Roman Catholic circles, not least because Catholic discussions of dignity are often seen as influential in public policy and legal interpretation, directly and indirectly. I shall focus on one relatively neglected issue in legal scholarship: how scholars go about the task of identifying what a particular religion’s understanding of human dignity involves.
To illustrate the methodological problems that such an enterprise raises, I shall take one attempt by a scholar writing in the field of secular legal scholarship to describe Catholic understandings of dignity in the context of abortion and same-sex marriage. The discussion is that of Reva Siegel, an academic lawyer at Yale University; her recent analysis of differing understandings of dignity illustrates some of the issues that arise when the secular scholarly community addresses religious understandings of dignity.

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The Muslim Brotherhood is the most significant and enduring Sunni Islamist organization of the contemporary era. Its roots lie in the Middle East but it has grown into both a local and global movement, with its well-placed branches reacting effectively to take the opportunities for power and electoral competition offered by the Arab Spring.

Regarded by some as a force of moderation among Islamists, and by others as a façade hiding a terrorist fundamentalist threat, the potential influence of the Muslim Brotherhood on Middle Eastern politics remains ambiguous.The Muslim Brotherhood: The Arab Spring and its Future Face provides an essential insight into the organisation, with chapters devoted to specific cases where the Brotherhood has important impacts on society, the state and politics. Key themes associated with the Brotherhood, such as democracy, equality, pan-Islamism, radicalism, reform, the Palestine issue and gender, are assessed to reveal an evolutionary trend within the movement since its founding in Egypt in 1928 to its manifestation as the largest Sunni Islamist movement in the Middle East in the 21st century. The book addresses the possible future of the Muslim Brotherhood; whether it can surprise sceptics and effectively accommodate democracy and secular trends, and how its ascension to power through the ballot box might influence Western policy debates on their engagement with this manifestation of political Islam.

Drawing on a wide range of sources, this book presents a comprehensive study of a newly resurgent movement and is a valuable resource for students, scholars and policy makers focused on Middle Eastern Politics.

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This paper examines relationships between religion and two forms of homonegativity
across 43 European countries using a bivariate response binary logistic multilevel model. The model analyzes effects of religious believing, belonging and practice on two response variables: a) a moral rejection of homosexuality as a practice and b) intolerance toward homosexuals as a group. The findings indicate that both forms of homonegativity are prevalent in Europe. Traditional doctrinal religious believing (belief in a personal God) is positively related to a moral rejection of homosexuality but to a much lesser extent associated with intolerance toward homosexuals as a group. Members of religious denominations are more likely than non-members to reject homosexuality as morally wrong and to reject homosexuals as neighbors. The analysis found significant differences between denominations that are likely context-dependent. Attendance at religious services is positively related to homonegativity in a majority of countries. The findings vary considerably across countries: Religion is more strongly related to homonegativity in Western than in Eastern Europe. In the post-soviet countries homonegativity appears to be largely a secular phenomenon. National contexts of high religiosity, high perceived government corruption, high income inequality and shortcomings in the implementation of gay rights in the countries’ legislations are statistically related to higher levels of both moralistic homonegativity and intolerance toward homosexuals as a group.

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This article examines relationships between religion and racial intolerance across 47 countries by applying multilevel modeling to European survey data and is the first in-depth analysis of moderation of these relationships by European national contexts. The analysis distinguishes a believing, belonging, and practice-dimension of religiosity. The results yield little evidence of a link between denominational belonging, religious practice, and racial intolerance. The religiosity dimension that matters most for racial intolerance in Europe is believing: believers in a traditional God and believers in a Spirit/Life Force are decidedly less likely, and fundamentalists are more likely than non- believers to be racially intolerant. National contexts also matter greatly: individuals living in Europe’s most religious countries, countries with legacies of ethnic-religious conflict and countries with low GDP are significantly more likely to be racially intolerant than those living in wealthier, secular and politically stable countries. This is especially the case for the religiously devout.

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O presente trabalho inscreve-se no domínio da etnomusicologia, resulta da realização de trabalho de campo multissituado e propõe-se compreender a comunidade católica damanense residente em Damão (Índia) e no Reino Unido partindo do estudo da música adotada e praticada pelos seus membros. O repertório performativo analisado neste trabalho inclui música (religiosa e secular) e dança entendidas pelos damanenses como herdadas do antigo colonizador, música e dança anglo-saxónica e de Bollywood transmitida pelos meios de comunicação de massa atuais e, ainda, aquela que é veicularmente considerada pelos damanenses católicos como “a música damanense” ou “a música original de Damão” e à qual é aqui dado um enfoque especial: o mandó. Argumento que a compreensão deste repertório e dos diferentes significados de que se reveste nos permite também compreender a própria damanidade, cuja performance é caracterizada pelos mesmos princípios que definem a da música. Permite-nos, igualmente, entender o modo como os damanenses católicos vivem a sua condição de integração na Índia enquanto comunidade pós-colonial não-independente. Este trabalho procura contribuir, portanto, para a inscrição da realidade dos territórios poscoloniais integrados no quadro da teoria do poscolonialismo e reflete sobre o protagonismo da música na construção de lugares de memória e de imaginação tanto no território de origem (Damão) como na diáspora (Reino Unido).

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Uma motricidade e uma psique de qualidade que permitam um desempenho de excelência são essenciais para a execução musical. Uma vez que o Tai Chi Chuan é uma atividade que implica um grande desenvolvimento do controlo psicomotor e psíquico, esta tese pretende aferir se a prática do Tai Chi Chuan pode ser um fator optimizador da performance de um percussionista. Tendo por base o estado da arte referente aos efeitos físicos e psíquicos resultantes da prática do Tai Chi Chuan, assim como do conhecimento secular que os seus praticantes possuem de matérias tais como a saúde, o autoconhecimento físico, o controlo da respiração e da ansiedade, a concentração e o desenvolvimento psicomotor procura-se compreender se a aplicação dos mesmos princípios à execução da percussão permite estabelecer paralelos entre ambas as atividades. Partindo da sua experiência como percussionista, o autor desta investigação efetua um estudo heurístico em que se pretende averiguar se a prática do Tai Chi Chuan poderá contribuir de alguma forma para uma melhor performance. Este estudo heurístico reporta-se não só à prática profissional do autor como também à sua experiência pedagógica. A experiência como professor de percussão e simultaneamente professor de Tai Chi Chuan de dez dos seus alunos de percussão ao longo de um ano letivo é também relatada, complementando e enriquecendo este estudo heurístico. Desta investigação conclui-se que a prática do Tai Chi Chuan parece potenciar a performance e otimizar o desenvolvimento das capacidades e destrezas dos alunos no ensino/aprendizagem da percussão, sobretudo nos seguintes aspetos, controlo da respiração e controlo psicomotor..

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O principal objectivo deste trabalho foi sistematizar características físico- químicas dos azulejos para conservação e restauro de fachadas azulejares da cidade de Ovar, pertencentes à fase produtiva da semi-industrialização e industrialização dos finais do século XIX inico do século XX, de forma a produzir réplicas técnicas para recolocação nos locais de fachada com lacunas de azulejo. Além de se ter criado uma base de dados sobre estes materiais, formularam-se réplicas para os corpos cerâmicos calcários e pó de pedra, sugerindo matérias-primas e grau de moagem para a sua formulação, pressão de prensagem, ciclo e temperaturas máximas de cozedura conferindo-lhes características técnicas para que estas possam ser aplicadas lado a lado com os azulejos seculares, sem que perturbem a unicidade técnica da fachada. Investigaram-se duas das patologias mais recorrentes que afectam o vidrado: destacamento por cristalização de sais e fendilhamento. A primeira afecta a perda da parte pictórica do azulejo, atirando-o para uma remoção compulsiva da fachada aquando da sua intervenção para conservação restauro. A segunda permite-nos compreender possíveis compromissos técnicos feitos no passado.

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Since its foundation, militant democratic arguments have underpinned an enforced secularism in Turkey. The 2002 election of the AKP, described as a “moderate Islamist party”, has challenged Turkey’s secular identity. In the more than twelve years since the AKP has been in power, Turkey’s political landscape has experienced significant changes, with periods of extensive democratic reforms punctuated by regression in certain areas, notably freedom of expression and the right to protest. State repressive measures coupled with Recep Tayyip Erdoğan’s reluctance to exit the political stage have been the focus of much commentary and analysis. This article argues, however, that under AKP rule the Kurdish issue – critical to ensuring the normalization of politics and democratization in Turkey – has been brought in from the political cold and assesses the creation and role of the HDP (Halkların Demokratik Partisi), a Kurdish political party that is endeavoring to situate itself in the mainstream of Turkey’s political landscape. We posit that the HDP can be viewed as the offspring of this “democratic opening,” a project that was meant to ensure a radical transformation of the Kurdish issue in Turkey. Through analysing the historical trajectory of both AKP and HDP and the militant democratic arguments that led to their predecessors’ exclusion from the public sphere, this article engages with the key question of the extent to which the AKP’s treatment of the Kurdish issue has provided a vehicle for broader democratisation and facilitated a reconsideration of the Kurdish question in Turkey.