Il dilemma femminista dell'uso politico della violenza in Italia negli anni Settanta e Ottanta: tra pensiero politico e caso storico

Degli anni Settanta si parla, ormai quasi canonicamente, come gli anni della crisi, una crisi che compare quasi simultaneamente fuori e dentro i confini nazionali, e si configura come vera e propria crisi di sistema. Considerando il turning point rappresentato dai Seventies, è diffusa l'interpretazione nel contesto italiano del paradigma politologico secondo il quale è nella mancanza e nelle assenze del sistema politico-istituzionale alle domande di modernizzazione democratica provenienti dalle soggettività che emergono in quella che è stata definita la “stagione dei movimenti” che andrebbero individuate le radici prima della scelta della violenza come strumento di lotta politica e poi del cosiddetto “riflusso”. Questo studio cerca di analizzare le dinamiche e gli sviluppi nella relazione tra movimento femminista e violenza politica in Italia tra anni settanta e anni ottanta. Per comprendere ed analizzare le dinamiche di tale sviluppo è stato necessario prima ricostruire la genealogia del concetto di violenza politica elaborato dalla filosofia politica nel XX secolo e poi confrontarlo con il concetto di violenza proposto dal pensiero femminista nello stesso arco temporale. Allo stesso tempo si è considerato il fenomeno della violenza politicamente motivata agita nel decennio settanta, analizzando le specificità del femminismo stesso, ma anche, la possibilità di individuare lo scarto – politico, ideologico e esistenziale – tra le definizioni date dalla pratica femminista alla categoria di violenza e le peculiarità degli altri movimenti che si muovevano nella scena politica e sociale tra anni settanta e anni ottanta

That Female Sound: Uptalk and Vocal Fry

This paper presents an analysis of women's voices, with a particular focus on how they are often criticized, and a discussion about two linguistic trends popular among them: uptalk and vocal fry

Feminist Tigers and Patriarchal Lions: Rhetorical Strategies and Instrument Effects in the Struggle for Definition and Control over Development in Nepal

This article offers an analysis of a struggle for control of a women’s development project in Nepal. The story of this struggle is worth telling, for it is rife with the gender politics and neo-colonial context that underscore much of what goes on in contemporary Nepal. In particular, my analysis helps to unravel some of the powerful discourses, threads of interest, and yet unintended effects inevitable under a regime of development aid. The analysis demonstrates that the employment of already available discursive figures of the imperialist feminist and the patriarchal third world man are central to the rhetorical strategies taken in the conflict. I argue that the trans-discursive or “borderland” nature of development in general and women’s development in particular result in different constructions of “development” goals, means and actors based not only on divergent cultural categories but on historically specific cultural politics. I argue further that the apolitical discourse of development serves to cloak its inherently political project of social and economic transformation, making conflicts such as the one that occurred in this case not only likely to occur but also likely to be misunderstood.

Can Developing Women Create Primitive Art? and Other Questions of Value, Meaning and Identity in the Circulation of Janakpur Art

In this article, I examine the values and meanings that adhere to objects made by Maithil women at a development project in Janakpur, Nepal – objects collectors have called ‘Janakpur Art’. I seek to explain how and why changes in pictorial content in Janakpur Art – shifts that took place over a period of five or six years in the 1990s – occurred, and what such a change might indicate about the link between Maithil women’s lives, development, and tourism. As I will demonstrate, part of the appeal for consumers of Janakpur Art has been that it is produced at a ‘women’s development project’ seeking to empower its participants. And yet, the project’s very successes threaten to displace the producers (and what they produce) from their perceived qualities/identities as ‘traditional’ and ‘primitive,’ thereby bringing into question the authenticity of the ‘art’ they produce. The conundrum begs this question: can developing women produce primitive art?

How Porous are the Walls that Separate Us?: Transformative Service-Learning, Women’s Incarceration, and the Unsettled Self

In this article, we refine a politics of thinking from the margins by exploring a pedagogical model that advances transformative notions of service learning as social justice teaching. Drawing on a recent course we taught involving both incarcerated women and traditional college students, we contend that when communication among differentiated and stratified parties occurs, one possible result is not just a view of the other but also a transformation of the self and other. More specifically, we suggest that an engaged feminist praxis of teaching incarcerated women together with college students helps illuminate the porous nature of fixed markers that purport to reveal our identities (e.g., race and gender), to emplace our bodies (e.g., within institutions, prison gates, and walls), and to specify our locations (e.g., cultural, geographic, socialeconomic). One crucial theoretical insight our work makes clear is that the model of social justice teaching to which we aspired necessitates re-conceptualizing ourselves as students and professors whose subjectivities are necessarily relational and emergent.

The Body of Margaret Atwood: Sex Work and Prostitution within Margaret Atwood's The Handmaid's Tale, Oryx and Crake, and The Year of the Flood

In this paper, I will argue that Canadian author Margaret Atwood uses fiscal and socially conservative dystopias to show how sex work and prostitution are choices that women would never have to make in a world with true gender equality. In these radically different worlds, women have no agency beyond their sexuality and no ability to express themselves as equals within either society. And while the structures of both societies, the society of The Handmaid’s Tale and that of both Oryx and Crake and The Year of the Flood, are inherently different, they both stem from modern conservative philosophies: for example, the country of Gilead in The Handmaid’s Tale holds Christian conservative beliefs on the role of religion in the state and the culturally designated roles of women. I define social conservatism as the idea that government organizations are used to pursue an agenda promoting traditional religious values such as “public morality” and opposing “immoralities” such as abortion, prostitution, and homosexuality. I define fiscal conservatism as an agenda promoting privatization of the market, deregulation and lower taxes. In this paper I argue that because these philosophies are incompatible with gender equality, they drive women to occupations such as sex work. Women find that they have no choices and sex work provides something to “trade.” For Offred, this “trading” is more limited, because she is a sex slave. For Oryx, this trading allows her to travel to the West, yet not before her childhood is marked by prostitution and pornography. Sex work allows for Ren to reclaim some agency over her life, yet she only chooses sex work because she is presented with few other options. All of these issues stem from the philosophies that define these dystopias.

The Pressures of History: Shakespearean Performance and Interpretation

Interpretations of Shakespeare’s characters have been subject to the pressures of history, exhibiting a progression of performance styles in accordance with changes in ideas and concerns over time. Shakespeare’s complex portrayals of women leave room for cultural influences of a time period to greatly influence interpretations because of the ambiguous nature of some of his major female characters. Lady Macbeth and Much Ado About Nothing’s Beatrice both overstep and challenge gender boundaries, and the combination of their defiant natures and textual ambiguities have made these characters highly controversial over the past four centuries.Various cultures over time have imposed specific readings of the characters that serve to reinforce the male-dominated expectations of a given society. The examination of variations in performance styles and interpretations of these two extremely canonical characters revealinsights into gender ideologies that existed during various time periods throughout history. The combination of this analysis with an exploration of the effects of the more recent applications offeminism and film, which have both helped to reshape the cultural images of both Lady Macbeth and Beatrice, will aide in an observation of the status of gender relations in our contemporary society. The current trend of interpretations of these characters could also provide predictions about future gender relations in our culture.

Wom(b)anism: Reading Relationships Between the Community and the Womb in Sankofa, The Women of Brewster Place, and Corregidora

This project attempts to contribute to the various discourses within the black womanist tradition. In 1983, Alice Walker published her landmark collection of essays entitled In Search of Our Mother Gardens: Womanist Prose. At the outset of the volume, Walker defines the core concept of womanism. After a poetic four-part definition of the term womanist, Walker concludes by stating, 'womanist is to feminist as purple to lavender' (Phillips 19). Although this analogy is critically engaged, the scholarly discourse that emerged in response to Walker's proposition shapes the intellectual inner workings of this project. Certain established concepts (such as ancestral mediation or the laying on of hands) work in conjunction with my own concepts of 'wom(b)anism' and 'the communal womb' to frame the interpretive discussions throughout these pages. Wom(b)anism and the communal womb both emerge from the black feminist and womanist traditions, especially via the role of ancestral mediation but also within the contested discourses on womanism itself. I apply the two concepts (wom(b)anism and the communal womb) to my readings of Haile Gerima's Sankofa, Gloria Naylor's The Women of Brewster Place, and Gayl Jones' Corregidora. The relationship between the community and women's wombs across each of these texts construct a narrative that features ancestral mediation (or intervention), various acts of violence committed against women's bodies, and the complicated circumstances through which women heal themselves andtheir communities.

Iowa State Daily (April 19, 2012)

ContentsFinalists for Provost announcedTo the highest heightsAffirmative Action acknowledged in ISU policy All together now in 'Rent'Republican, feminism not oppositesKemboi trains at ISU for Kenyan Olympic team

Iowa State Daily (March 30, 2012)

ContentsPutting a face to the causeAg pavilion receives $2 million donationSterle receives professorship in animal scienceSpangler wrestles with concussionsBleak future could await AmericaSustainability finds a new twist with feminism

Repolitisations féministes et queer du cerveau

L’histoire des relations entre biologie et politique féministe est tendue et contradictoire. Cela paraît d’autant plus flagrant aujourd’hui à l’âge d’or des neurosciences qui ramènent les arguments de supériorité masculine, le caractère inéluctable des différences de genre et la prédominance de l’hétérosexualité à une affaire de cerveau. Dans cet article, nous analysons les points d’intersection propres aux sciences du cerveau et du féminisme. Ces deux champs de recherche entretiennent selon nous des rapports conflictuels mais parfois aussi productifs, y compris dans leurs rapports à l’activisme politique. Ces rapports peuvent être caractérisés en référence à trois directions de recherche principales : des « déstabilisations », des « reconstructions » et des « recontextualisations ». En guise de conclusion, nous terminons par quelques réflexions sur les conditions sociologiques de l’engagement dans une économie politique des neurosciences.[1] [1]Traduit de l’anglais par Marc Gagnepain. Pour une brève présentation de l’article et du dossier thématique dans lequel il s’inscrit, nous renvoyons le/la lecteur/trice à l’article introductif de Bovet, Kraus, Panese, Pidoux et Stücklin, « Les neurosciences à l’épreuve de la clinique et des sciences sociales. Regards croisés ».

Entrevista a Angela McRobbie : los estudios culturales y el imperativo de entender y explicar los cambios sociales

Angela McRobbie es socióloga y dirige el Departamento de Comunicación en Goldsmiths College, Universidad de Londres. En la actualidad, se encuentra entre las referentes más destacadas de los Estudios Culturales británicos. Ha publicado numerosos ensayos en revistas internacionales sobre problemáticas vinculadas con la juventud, los estilos musicales y los consumos culturales, así como ha indagado en los cambios sociales y políticos ocurridos desde los tiempos del thatcherismo. Entre sus libros, sobresalen: Postmodernism and Popular Culture (Routledge, 1994); Feminism and Youth Culture (Macmillan, 1994); Back to Reality? Social Experience and Cultural Studies (Manchester University Press, 1997); British Fashion Design (1998), In the Culture Society. Art, Fashion and Popular Music (Routledge, 1999) y compiló junto a Paul Gilroy y Lawrence Grossberg, Without Guarantees. In Honour of Stuart Hall (Verso, 2000), con motivo del retiro de éste de la Open University en 1997.

El orden político "liberal conservador" en la Argentina de la generación del '80

En Argentina, el liberalismo y el conservadorismo, constituyen el trasfondo ideológico del sistema político de la generación de 1880. A partir de 1880 se consolidan las instituciones políticas y se definen los rasgos centrales de la sociedad argentina, la que sufrirá profundas transformaciones al influjo del crecimiento económico, demográfico y de las políticas de educación pública. La empresa política es protagonizada por los hombres del "80", quienes constituyen la primera "generación argentina" que concreta ese nuevo espíritu que surge en el "53": coexistencia de amplias libertades civiles y económicas junto a una estructura con rasgos centralizadores, con claro predominio del órgano ejecutivo como reaseguro contra las tendencias anárquicas.

Movimiento de mujeres/feminismo/s : tensiones y desafíos en la Argentina de los noventa

Durante la transición democrática y el primer período de consolidación, los movimientos sociales resurgen y juegan un rol protagónico como portavoces de la sociedad. El movimiento mujeres/feminismo también tiene aquí un nuevo florecimiento. Sin embargo, la “globalización" traerá aparejada algunas consecuencias que repercutirán tanto en el Estado como en el movimiento, dos de los actores/as protagónicos en la definición de políticas públicas con perspectiva de género. Cuáles son los desafíos que se vislumbran, desde el movimiento de mujeres, en orden a la concesión de una ciudadanía plena para las mujeres, luego de esos cambios, es la pregunta que recorre el texto.