889 resultados para social inequality


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Using panel data for twenty-seven post-communist economies between 1987-2003, we examine the nexus of relationships between inequality, fiscal capacity (defined as the ability to raise taxes efficiently) and the political regime. Investigating the impact of political reform we find that full political freedom is associated with lower levels of income inequality. Under more oligarchic (authoritarian) regimes, the level of inequality is conditioned by the state’s fiscal capacity. Specifically, oligarchic regimes with more developed fiscal systems are able to defend the prevailing vested interests at a lower cost in terms of social injustice. This empirical finding is consistent with the model developed by Acemoglu (2006). We also find that transition countries undertaking early macroeconomic stabilisation now enjoy lower levels of inequality; we confirm that education fosters equality and the suggestion of Commander et al (1999) that larger countries are prone to higher levels of inequality.

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Wage inequality is a particular focus of attention not only in public debates over the need for social regulation to support equity, but those over the implications of social regulation for productive performance. The present paper employs panel techniques to examine the comparative historical relationship between wage inequality and hourly labour productivity growth in the manufacturing sectors of nine advanced industrialised nations over the period 1970-1995. The results show that whilst greater inequality in the top half of the wage distribution is associated with greater productivity growth, greater inequality in the bottom half is associated with lower productivity growth. It appears that whilst wage inequality in the top half of the distribution productively motivates higher earners, wage inequality in the bottom half of the distribution is detrimental for productivity performance. The latter result is most likely attributable to the weak incentives to reorganise production where extremely low pay is feasible.

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Over the last two decades social vulnerability has emerged as a major area of study, with increasing attention to the study of vulnerable populations. Generally, the elderly are among the most vulnerable members of any society, and widespread population aging has led to greater focus on elderly vulnerability. However, the absence of a valid and practical measure constrains the ability of policy-makers to address this issue in a comprehensive way. This study developed a composite indicator, The Elderly Social Vulnerability Index (ESVI), and used it to undertake a comparative analysis of the availability of support for elderly Jamaicans based on their access to human, material and social resources. The results of the ESVI indicated that while the elderly are more vulnerable overall, certain segments of the population appear to be at greater risk. Females had consistently lower scores than males, and the oldest-old had the highest scores of all groups of older persons. Vulnerability scores also varied according to place of residence, with more rural parishes having higher scores than their urban counterparts. These findings support the political economy framework which locates disadvantage in old age within political and ideological structures. The findings also point to the pervasiveness and persistence of gender inequality as argued by feminist theories of aging. Based on the results of the study it is clear that there is a need for policies that target specific population segments, in addition to universal policies that could make the experience of old age less challenging for the majority of older persons. Overall, the ESVI has displayed usefulness as a tool for theoretical analysis and demonstrated its potential as a policy instrument to assist decision-makers in determining where to target their efforts as they seek to address the issue of social vulnerability in old age. Data for this study came from the 2001 population and housing census of Jamaica, with multiple imputation for missing data. The index was derived from the linear aggregation of three equally weighted domains, comprised of eleven unweighted indicators which were normalized using z-scores. Indicators were selected based on theoretical relevance and data availability.

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Exclusionary school discipline results in students being removed from classrooms as a consequence of their disruptive behavior and may lead to subsequent suspension and/or expulsion. Literature documents that nondominant students, particularly Black males, are disproportionately impacted by exclusionary discipline, to the point that researchers from a variety of critical perspectives consider exclusionary school discipline an oppressive educational practice and condition. Little or no research examines specific teacher-student social interactions within classrooms that influence teachers’ decisions to use or not use exclusionary discipline. Therefore, this study set forth the central research question: In relation to classroom interactions in alternative education settings, what accounts for teachers’ use or non-use of exclusionary discipline with students? A critical social practice theory of learning served as the framework for exploring this question, and a critical microethnographic methodology informed the data collection and analysis. Criterion sampling was used to select four classrooms in the same alternative education school with two teachers who frequently and two who rarely used exclusionary discipline. Nine stages of data collection and reconstructive data analysis were conducted. Data collection involved video recorded classroom observations, digitally recorded interviews of teachers and students discussing selected video segments, and individual teacher interviews. Reconstructive data analysis procedures involved hermeneutic inferencing of possible underlying meanings, critical discourse analysis, interactive power analysis and role analysis, thematic analysis of the interactions in each classroom, and a final comparative analysis of the four classrooms. Four predominant themes of social interaction (resistance, conformism, accommodation, and negotiation) emerged with terminology adapted from Giroux’s (2001) theory of resistance in education and Third Space theory (Gutiérrez, 2008). Four types of power (normative, coercive, interactively established contracts, and charm), based on Carspecken’s (1996) typology, were found in the interactions between teacher and students in varying degrees for different purposes. This research contributes to the knowledge base on teacher-student classroom interactions, specifically in relation to exclusionary discipline. Understanding how the themes and varying power relations influence their decisions and actions may enable teachers to reduce use of exclusionary discipline and remain focused on positive teacher-student academic interactions.

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This dissertation is a three-part analysis examining how the welfare state in advanced Western democracies has responded to recent demographic changes. Specifically, this dissertation investigates two primary relationships, beginning with the influence of government spending on poverty. I analyze two at-risk populations in particular: immigrants and children of single mothers. Next, attention is turned to the influence of individual and environmental traits on preferences for social spending. I focus specifically on religiosity, religious beliefs and religious identity. I pool data from a number of international macro- and micro-data sources including the Luxembourg Income Study (LIS), International Social Survey Program (ISSP), the World Bank Databank, and the OECD Databank. Analyses highlight the power of the welfare state to reduce poverty, but also the effectiveness of specific areas of spending focused on addressing new social risks. While previous research has touted the strength of the welfare state, my analyses highlight the need to consider new social risks and encourage closer attention to how social position affects preferences for the welfare state.

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Over the last two decades social vulnerability has emerged as a major area of study, with increasing attention to the study of vulnerable populations. Generally, the elderly are among the most vulnerable members of any society, and widespread population aging has led to greater focus on elderly vulnerability. However, the absence of a valid and practical measure constrains the ability of policy-makers to address this issue in a comprehensive way. This study developed a composite indicator, The Elderly Social Vulnerability Index (ESVI), and used it to undertake a comparative analysis of the availability of support for elderly Jamaicans based on their access to human, material and social resources. The results of the ESVI indicated that while the elderly are more vulnerable overall, certain segments of the population appear to be at greater risk. Females had consistently lower scores than males, and the oldest-old had the highest scores of all groups of older persons. Vulnerability scores also varied according to place of residence, with more rural parishes having higher scores than their urban counterparts. These findings support the political economy framework which locates disadvantage in old age within political and ideological structures. The findings also point to the pervasiveness and persistence of gender inequality as argued by feminist theories of aging. Based on the results of the study it is clear that there is a need for policies that target specific population segments, in addition to universal policies that could make the experience of old age less challenging for the majority of older persons. Overall, the ESVI has displayed usefulness as a tool for theoretical analysis and demonstrated its potential as a policy instrument to assist decision-makers in determining where to target their efforts as they seek to address the issue of social vulnerability in old age. Data for this study came from the 2001 population and housing census of Jamaica, with multiple imputation for missing data. The index was derived from the linear aggregation of three equally weighted domains, comprised of eleven unweighted indicators which were normalized using z-scores. Indicators were selected based on theoretical relevance and data availability.

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This paper explores the relationship between the rise of “new” social movements (15-M and Occupy) and the Internet. The new social media gives rise to new kinds of social movements  which embed this technology from the moment of conception. The future of social movements will be characterised by movinets, which will have the effect of developing new efficient ways of activism. The movinets, with their embedded technology and capacity to circulate ideas among different spheres of reality, have a potential to alter the dynamics of social mobilisation.

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This key facts publication provides an interim update to the NI health & social care inequalities monitoring system (HSCIMS) regional reports which are published every other year. It presents a summary of the latest position and inequality gaps between the most deprived areas and both the least deprived areas and the NI average in addition to a regional comparison with rural areas for a range of health outcomes included within the HSCIMS series, in addition to the health survey Northern Ireland (HSNI).

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Este estudo teve como primeiro dos seus objectivos conhecer as percepções de um grupo de trabalhadores acerca de algumas políticas e de algumas práticas de responsabilidade social interna, nomeadamente, da formação oferecida pela empresa, da capacidade que esta tem de fomentar a sua autonomia e a sua iniciativa, das práticas de comunicação existentes na empresa, do equilíbrio que esta proporciona entre a sua vida profissional e a sua vida familiar, dos planos de saúde, segurança e apoio social por ela disponibilizados, da diversidade de mão-de-obra, da(des)igualdade em termos de remuneração e perspectivas de carreira entre homens e mulheres, dos esquemas de atribuição de prémios, da segurança dos postos de trabalho, da preocupação da empresa com a sua empregabilidade futura e, finalmente, da(in)existência de práticas discriminatórias. Procurou também alcançar dois outros objectivos, ou seja, descobrir se as percepções dos trabalhadores relativamente às políticas e às práticas acima descritas exercem ou não algum tipo de influência sobre a sua motivação no trabalho e perceber qual o papel que a antiguidade dos trabalhadores desempenha nesta relação. Após a apresentação e a análise de várias perspectivas históricas acerca da responsabilidade social das empresas surgidas a partir da década de 50 e de algumas das teorias da motivação que foram aparecendo ao longo do mesmo espaço de tempo, esta dissertação expôs um caso de estudo de 75 trabalhadores de uma empresa nacional de distribuição alimentar. Através dos dados recolhidos da aplicação de um questionário, este estudo explorou a relação entre as suas percepções acerca das políticas e das práticas de responsabilidade social interna em vigor na empresa e a sua motivação e qual o papel da sua antiguidade nesta relação. Os resultados obtidos mostram que a maioria dos trabalhadores inquiridos apresenta uma percepção positiva relativamente às políticas e às práticas de responsabilidade social interna da sua empresa, à excepção do que se refere aos planos de saúde, segurança e apoio social por ela disponibilizados e à sua preocupação com a empregabilidade futura dos seus trabalhadores, e permitem concluir que as percepções positivas têm maior impacto sobre a motivação no trabalho, à excepção do que diz respeito à percepção do equilíbrio entre a vida profissional e a vida familiar proporcionado pela empresa. Conclui-se também que o papel da antiguidade na relação entre percepções das políticas e das práticas de responsabilidade social interna e motivação no trabalho é insignificante. / The primary objective of this study was to learn about the perceptions held by a group of workers concerning some of their company's policies and practices relative to internal social responsibility, in particular, any training offered by the firm, and its role in improving autonomy and initiative. Also of interest were the methods of communication within the firm, the balance provided between the professional and personal lives of personnel, and health, security and social support available to them. The study considered as well the diversity of the workforce, equality (or inequality) of remuneration, and career prospects between men and women, premium allocation schemes, job security, the company's concern for employability, and the existence (or not) of discriminatory practices. Secondary objectives were to discover if the perceptions of workers concerning the policies and practices mentioned above have (or not) any influence on their motivation at work, and to determine any effect of the length of service on this. Opinions were gathered by means of a questionnaire. After the presentation and analysis of various historical perspectives concerning corporate social responsibility from the 1950s onwards and of some of the motivation theories that appeared along the same period of time, this study examines the case of 75 employees of a national company in the food distribution business. The results of the afore-mentioned questionnaire show that the majority of those questioned has a positive attitude towards the policies and practices of their company's internal social responsibility, except concerning health-care, security and social support, and the firm's interest in their future careers, and lead to the conclusion that a positive perception has a greater impact on the workers' motivation. However, they are critical of the importance given by their employer to their personal lives. This study also concludes that length of service has insignificant impact on the perceptions of workers concerning their company's policies and practices relative to internal social responsibility, and on worker motivation.

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Nurses – along with many others – are often told that they should or must accept and work towards the promotion of social justice. Further, it is claimed that social justice represents or is a shared nursing value. This presentation challenges these assertions. Claims regarding shared values easily fall prey to forms of attribution error. Alternatively, while social justice is sometimes presented as a remedy or alternative to market disutility, the quality of arguments in which this linkage appears leave much to be desired and, in such instances, the robustness of these claims collapse. Or, assertions regarding social justice frequently appear without supporting explanation or justification. It is simply assumed that social justice (inadequately defined) is a ‘good thing’. This is not necessarily a problem. The normative strength of a claim does not rest only upon the arguments put forward in support of it. However, when social justice is advanced as mere assertion, often in a manner devoid of specificity, claims that the concept should be embraced and claims that the concept should or can promote action in the world, lack persuasive force. Moreover, in some articulations, the concept appears to generate illiberal and intolerant consequences. This presentation does not argue for inequality or social injustice. Rather, it suggests that underdeveloped and frail arguments require improvement or dismissal.

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Com a crise financeira que se tem vindo a agudizar, com o agravamento da pobreza e exclusão social, associados a problemas de saúde e à emergência de problemas sociais (como o desemprego e a pobreza) tem assomado uma vaga de iniciativas de movimentos da sociedade civil. São novas formas de organização e resposta a situações específicas de grupos de indivíduos na luta por políticas públicas e direitos sociais tais como o da saúde, da habitação, da educação, do trabalho, entre outras. Nos finais da década de 70, em Portugal, a criação do Serviço Nacional de Saúde intenta o acesso à saúde garantido a todos os cidadãos. Nos anos 80 o Estado limita este direito baseado no princípio da justiça social protegendo os grupos mais desfavorecidos. Institui as taxas moderadoras e define as isenções para alguns doentes crónicos. Perante a desigualdade de direitos que daí advém, no Hospital Pediátrico de Coimbra, a partir dos anos 90, surgem movimentos associativos em prol dos direitos de saúde, criados e dinamizados por Assistentes Sociais, nomeadamente as Associações Acreditar em 1993, a Coração Feliz em 1994, a Associação Nacional de Fibrose Quística em 1996 e já no século XXI a Diabéticos Todo o Terreno em 2004 e a Hepaturix em 2006. A Hepaturix – Associação de Crianças e Jovens Transplantados ou com Doenças Hepáticas – fundada já no século XXI e cuja actividade será descrita neste trabalho, tem vindo a lutar pelos direitos sociais desta população, com a colaboração da Assistente Social que, no Hospital Pediátrico de Coimbra, apoia a Unidade de Transplantação Hepática Pediátrica. Entre outros, a isenção das taxas moderadoras para os doentes transplantados e para os dadores vivos assim como o direito aos transportes nas deslocações para o hospital após o transplante, são direitos sociais alcançados pela Hepaturix através da sensibilização do poder político. A Assistente Social tem sido um pilar neste percurso, sendo mediadora entre a instituição e a associação, em prol do direito destas crianças e jovens. / With the financial crisis that has been worsening, with increased poverty and social exclusion associated with health problems and the emergency of social problems (such as unemployment and poverty) there has been a loomed wave of initiatives for movements from the civil society. These are new ways of organization and response to specific situations of groups of individuals in the strike for public policies and social rights such as health, habitation, education, work, among others. In the late 70s, in Portugal, the creation of the National Health Service intents the access to health care guaranteed to all citizens. In the 80s the government limits this right based on the principle of social justice, protecting the most disadvantaged groups. Establishes user fees and defines the exemptions for some chronically ill. Before the inequality of rights resulted from this, there has been a rising of associative movements for health rights, created and dynamized by Social Workers at the Pediatric Hospital of Coimbra, from the 90s on: "Acreditar" in 1993, "Coração Feliz" in 1994, Associação Nacional da Fibrose Quistica" in 1996 and now, in the XXI century: "Diabéticos Todo o Terreno"in 2004 and "Hepaturix" in 2006. The “Hepaturix” - Association of Transplanted Children and Youth or with Hepatic Diseases - founded in the twenty-first century, whose will be discussed in this work, has been fighting for social rights of this population, with the cooperation of the Social Work who, at the Children’s Hospital of Coimbra, supports the Pediatric Hepatic Transplantation Unit. Among others, the exemption of user fees for transplanted patients and living donors as well as the right to transport at dislocations to the hospital after transplant, are social rights accomplished by Hepaturix, through the awareness of political power. The Social Worker has been a pillar in this journey, being a mediator between the institution and the association on behalf of the rights of these children and youth.

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This dissertation is an analysis of social activism within women’s professional tennis. In the 46 years since the women known as the Original 9 began protesting against the pay inequality between men’s and women’s tennis, subsequent cohorts of women have brought different issues and concerns to women’s tennis, expanding its scope and efforts.  Using qualitative research, including interviews with former players and press conference participation at tournaments to access current players, this study shows the lineage of social activism within women’s tennis and the issues, expressions, risks and effects of each cohort. Intersectionality theoretically frames this study, and analyses of performativity appears regularly. Each generational cohort is a chapter of this study. The Original 9 of the Movement Cohort fought for equal prize money. The Bridge Cohort, the era of Evert and Navratilova, continued the Movement Cohort’s push for equal prize money; however, they also ushered in identity politics (including gender, sexuality, and nationality, but with the notable exception of race). The Professional Cohort, the current era, followed the Bridge Cohort and is characterized by its focus on corporatization and mass-marketing. As such, there is a focus among the players on individualism which can seem like a lack of social activism is occurring. However, race, neglected during the Bridge Cohort, emerged during the Professional Cohort. The individualism of this cohort made space for Blackness to show unapologetically, though, within certain constraints. Finally, a few players are working on social justice issues in society at large, as well as trying to institute change within women’s tennis. These players make up the Post-Professional Cohort (or, as Pam Shriver from the Bridge Cohort calls them, “Bridge Throwbacks”).  This study shows the evolution of social activism within women’s tennis, as it reflects larger social change. Though bound together as one unified body, the social activism engaged in by each generation focused on different issues, making each generational cohort distinct from the whole of women’s professional tennis.