The role of ‘Shared Memories’ in shaping nationalist movements : a comparative historical analysis of the Flemish and Québécois nationalist movements

Les mouvements nationalistes flamands et québécois divergent en concernant leur structure; par exemple le nationalisme flamand s'est développé comme un mouvement chrétien-démocrate, alors que le nationalisme québécois contemporain s’est galvanisé autour d'une idéologie laïque de gauche. Par ailleurs, il existe un contraste entre les poids sociodémographique, politique et économique portés par la région de Flandres en Belgique, et ceux portés dans la province du Québec au Canada. Cependant, malgré les influences divergentes structurelles et systémiques, les mouvements nationalistes flamand et québécois ont développé et maintenu des profils très similaires. Par exemple, les deux mouvements nationalistes se définissent par une distinction ethnolinguistique, les deux ont un discours nationaliste parallèle axé sur la nécessité de préserver et de protéger la langue et la culture de la communauté nationale, et les deux se concentrent sur l'obtention d'une redistribution des pouvoirs culturels et politiques. Dans ce mémoire, nous proposons que le profil nationaliste ressemblant du mouvement nationaliste flamand et québécois puisse être expliqué par le développement d'un « nationalisme ethnolinguistique de contestation », qui était initialement mis en place par les nationalistes flamands et québécois cherchant à corriger les effets d'une « division culturelle du travail ». Ce sentiment d’un nationalisme de contestation ethnolinguistique est instrumentalisé et perpétué par les nationalistes flamands et québécois en évoquant certains « souvenirs partagés », qui sont trouvés dans le récit historique de la communauté nationale. Ces souvenirs partagés, ainsi que leurs représentations symboliques, reflètent les sentiments de protestation, injustice et victimisation, qui sont vitaux pour les nationalistes flamands et québécois dans le maintien de leur expression parallèlement à un nationalisme de contestation ethnolinguistique en Flandres et au Québec.

Political violence and economic development in Latin America: issues and evidence

Includes bibliography

A historic turning point: political change and the socio-institutional situation in Latin America

Includes bibliography

Sport techniques in physical education school: a look at the socio-cultural trends

Teaching sports techniques lessons of Physical Education is a very controversial subject. We must emphasize the fact that called our attention, that dealing with sport in a critical way would be the same as being against the teaching of the art. Several factors contributed in shaping this reality, among them we suspect that the proposal's incomprehension made within the socio-cultural trends. Thus, the aim of this work was to investigate the technical aspects of sports in teaching of Physical Education, as socio-cultural trends part. Throughout the text it is possible to identify new goals considering sportive techniques such as the concern with interests of students who movement, consideration of cultural repertoire of these students, in addition to proposing that the lessons do not restrict implementation of these movements, but also includes the knowledge of social, political, economic and cultural universe of sports events.

In Search of Political Influence: Strategic Choices and Media Coverage of Political Parties, Interest Groups and Social Movements in Western European Countries

Outside lobbying is a key strategy for social movements, interest groups and political parties for mobilising public opinion through the media in order to pressure policymakers and influence the policymaking process. Relying on semi-structured interviews and newspaper content analysis in six Western European countries, this article examines the use of four outside lobbying strategies – media-related activities, informing (about) the public, mobilisation and protest – and the amount of media coverage they attract. While some strategies are systematically less pursued than others, we find variation in their relative share across institutional contexts and actor types. Given that most of these differences are not accurately mirrored in the media, we conclude that media coverage is only loosely connected to outside lobbying behaviour, and that the media respond differently to a given strategy when used by different actors. Thus, the ability of different outside lobbying strategies to generate media coverage critically depends on who makes use of them.

How political economies affect immigrants' socio-economic incorporation. A comparative analysis of immigrants’ poverty risks across advanced industrialised countries

Immigration and the resulting increasing ethnic diversity have become an important characteristic of advanced industrialised countries. At the same time, the majority of the countries in question are confronted with structural transformation such as deindustrialisation and changes in family structures as well as economic downturn, which limit the capacities of nation-states in addressing rising inequality and supporting those individuals at the margins of the society. This paper addresses both issues, immigration and inequality, by focusing on immigrants’ socio-economic incorporation into the receiving societies of advanced industrialised countries. The aim of this paper is to explain cross-national variation in immigrants’ poverty risks. Drawing on the political economy as well as the migration literature, the paper develops a theoretical framework that considers how the impact of the national labour market and welfare system on immigrants’ poverty risks is moderated by the integration policies, which regulate immigrants’ access to the labour market and social programs (or immigrants’ economic and social rights). The empirical analysis draws on income surveys as well as a newly collected data set on economic and social rights of immigrants in 19 advanced industrialised countries, including European countries as well as Australia, and North America, for the year 2007. As the results from multilevel analysis show, integration policies concerning immigrants’ access to the labour market and social programs can partly explain cross-national variations in immigrants’ poverty risks. In line with the hypothesis, stricter labour market regulations such as minimum wage setting reduce immigrants’ poverty risks stronger in countries where they are granted easier access to the labour market. However, concerning the impact of more generous social programs the reductive poverty effect is stronger in countries with less inclusive access of immigrants to social programs. The paper concludes by discussing possible explanations for this puzzling finding.

The world in crisis; political and social movements in the twentieth century.

Bibliography: p. 411-419.

Solidarity and power in German : language as political action : a contribution to the socio-cultural history of the German language

Germany's latest attempt at unification raises again the question of German nationhood and nationality. The present study examines the links between the development of the German language and the political history of Germany, principally in the nineteenth and twentieth centuries. By examining the role of language in the establishment and exercise of political power and in the creation of national and group solidarity in Germany, the study both provides insights into the nature of language as political action and contributes to the socio-cultural history of the German language. The language-theoretical hypothesis on which the study is based sees language as a central factor in political action, and opposes the notion that language is a reflection of underlying political 'realities' which exist independently of language. Language is viewed as language-in-text which performs identifiable functions. Following Leech, five functions are distinguished, two of which (the regulative and the phatic) are regarded as central to political processes. The phatic function is tested against the role of the German language as a creator and symbol of national identity, with particular attention being paid to concepts of the 'purity' of the language. The regulative function (under which a persuasive function is also subsumed) is illustrated using the examples of German fascist discourse and selected cases from German history post-1945. In addition, the interactions are examined between language change and socio-economic change by postulating that language change is both a condition and consequence of socio-economic change, in that socio-economic change both requires and conditions changes in the communicative environment. Finally, three politocolinguistic case studies from the eight and ninth decades of the twentieth century are introduced in order to demonstrate specific ways in which language has been deployed in an attempt to create political realities, thus verifying the initial hypothesis of the centrality of language to the political process.

A mérsékelt iszlamista mozgalmak szerepe az "arab tavaszt" követő politikai átmenetben (The Role of Moderate Islamist Movements in the Political Transition Following the Arab Spring)

Up to January 2011 authoritarian political regimes in the Middle East had widely been considered stable due to the armed forces, the underdeveloped political institutions, the economic embeddedness of the regimes, the neo-patrimonial structure of the Arab societies and, eventually the characteristics of Islam. Middle Eastern political systems are often considered to belong to a special sub-group of non-democratic regimes called “liberalized autocracies”. The 2011 events show that there is a new, as yet non-defined political structure emerging. Although there are different interpretations of the developments, there is a consensus on the determinant role of the Islamist organizations in the development of the new political structure. The results of the Egyptian and Tunisian parliamentary elections show that the secular political parties could not attract the public, while in Tunisia the long forbidden Hizb an-Nahda could form a government. In Egypt Hizb al-Hurriya established by the Muslim Brotherhood in 2011 won almost half of the parliamentary mandates, and to a great surprise, the Salafi Hizb an-Nour also received 24.3% of the votes. On the basis of the above developments the thesis of the Islamist re-organization of the Middle East, i.e. of a new wave of Islamism was elaborated, according to which the main political winners of the revolts in the Arab countries are the Islamist organizations, which could step in and fill in the political vacuum. While some speak of an Islamist autumn or Islamist winter as the result of the Arab Spring, others prefer the term Islamic revolutions.

El marketing de las identidades: Los aspectos socio-políticos de las indicaciones geográficas

Resumen Aunque los aspectos productivos, económicos y legales de las indicaciones geográficas (IG) han sido analizados ampliamente, las dinámicas sociales y políticas detrás de su establecimiento, y sus efectos sobre los diferentes sectores de las comunidades involucradas, necesitan más investigación. ¿Podrían las IG ofrecer un instrumento válido para obtener diferentes formas de agricultura sostenible, orientadas a la calidad y de raíces locales? ¿O más bien son sólo una herramienta de “marketing” basada en utopías agrarias e ideas románticas del pasado, destinadas a la transformación de productos tradicionales y artesanales en mercancías de alto precio? Este artículo examina cuáles son los elementos que están siendo incluidos, excluidos o negociados en las definiciones legales de las IG. También se explora el potencial de los instrumentos jurídicos alternativos para la protección de la producción alimentaria de las comunidades rurales en los países menos desarrollados.Abstract Although the productive, economic and legal aspects of geographical indications (GI) have been widely discussed, the social and political dynamics behind their establishment, and their effect on different sectors of the communities involved need further investigation. Can GIs become a valid tool to implement community-based, sustainable and quality-oriented agriculture? Or are they rather just a marketing tool based on agrarian utopias and romanticized ideas of the past, aimed at the commoditization and high-priced sale of traditional and artisanal products? The article will examine what elements are included, excluded or negotiated in the legal definitions of GI. The potential of alternative juridical instruments in protecting the food production of rural communities in less developed countries will also be explored.