Review of Claúdio Jone , Press and democratic transition in Mozambique, 1990-2000.

Book review in Lusotopie 2007, volume 2 of Claúdio Jone , Press and democratic transition in Mozambique, 1990-2000, Johannesbourg (Afrique du Sud), Institut français d’Afrique du Sud, 2005, 102 p.

After the Critique of Rights: For a Radical Democratic Theory and Practice of Human Rights

The critique of human rights has proliferated in critical legal thinking over recent years, making it clear that we can no longer uncritically approach human rights in their liberal form. In this article I assert that after the critique of rights one way human rights may be productively re-engaged in radical politics is by drawing from the radical democratic tradition. Radical democratic thought provides plausible resources to rework the shortcomings of liberal human rights, and allows human rights to be brought within the purview of a wider political project adopting a critical approach to current relations of power. Building upon previous re-engagements with rights using radical democratic thought, I return to the work of Ernesto Laclau and Chantal Mouffe to explore how human rights may be thought as an antagonistic hegemonic activity within a critical relation to power, a concept which is fundamentally futural, and may emerge as one site for work towards radical and plural democracy. I also assert, via Judith Butler's model of cultural translation, that a radical democratic practice of human rights may be advanced which resonates with and builds upon already existing activism, thereby holding possibilities to persuade those who remain sceptical as to radical re-engagements with rights.

The Northern Ireland Assembly Election 2011

Following the first full term of regional government in the province since 1972, the Northern Ireland Assembly election held on 5 May 2011 saw the continuation of several trends. Foremost, the Democratic Unionist Party and Sinn Féin bolstered further their positions as leaders of their respective communities, with the Social Democratic and Labour Party and Ulster Unionist Party losing yet more ground. Building on their decision to enter power-sharing government together in 2007, the two largest parties framed themselves as the progressive choice for voters. As this was the first Assembly election since St Andrews (2006), much of the campaign dialogue centred on the prospect of a Sinn Féin First Minister, a concern highlighted by both unionist parties. The campaign also focused on ‘normal’ socio-economic political issues and possible institutional reform. The absence of inter-party conflict led to the campaign being perceived as the most mundane in living memory, with fears of a record low turnout realised.

Institutional Hybridity in Public Sector Reform: Replacement, Blending, or Layering of Administrative Paradigms

Despite an abundance of studies on hybridization and hybrid forms of organizing, scholarly work has failed to distinguish consistently between specific types of hybridity. As a consequence, the analytical category has become blurred and lacks conceptual clarity. Our paper discusses hybridity as the simultaneous appearance of institutional logics in organizational contexts, and differentiates the parallel co-existence of logics from transitional combinations (eventually leading to the replacement of a logic) and more robust combinations in the form of layering and blending. While blending refers to hybridity as an ‘amalgamate’ with original components that are no longer discernible, the notion of layering conceptualizes hybridity in a way that the various elements, or clusters thereof, are added on top of, or alongside, each other, similar to sediment layers in geology. We illustrate and substantiate such conceptual differentiation with an empirical study of the dynamics of public sector reform. In more detail, we examine the parliamentary discourse around two major reforms of the Austrian Federal Budget Law in 1986 and in 2007/2009 in order to trace administrative (reform) paradigms. Each of the three identified paradigms manifests a specific field-level logic with implications for the state and its administration: bureaucracy in Weberian-style Public Administration, market-capitalism in New Public Management, and democracy in New Public Governance. We find no indication of a parallel co-existence or transitional combination of logics, but hybridity in the form of robust combinations. We explore how new ideas fundamentally build on – and are made resonant with – the central bureaucratic logic in a way that suggests layering rather than blending. The conceptual findings presented in our article have implications for the literature on institutional analysis and institutional hybridity.

Effects of a green tax reform in Portugal: a general equilibrium analysis

Do ponto de vista da política económica, existe a possibilidade de utilizar a receita dos impostos ambientais para baixar os impostos sobre o trabalho, promovendo assim o emprego. Esta oportunidade surge na literatura como forma dos países industrializados responderem a um duplo desafio: um crescente nível de poluição e um decrescente nível de emprego. Alguns países tomaram já decisões no sentido de alcançar o “duplo dividendo”: melhorias ambientais e diminuição do desemprego. Os resultados teóricos, na sua maioria cépticos em relação à verificação do segundo dividendo, são substancialmente contrariados por uma série de estudos que utilizam modelos de equilíbrio geral. Pretendese com este trabalho fazer uma simulação para a economia portuguesa de uma reforma fiscal ambiental com as características referidas e a verificação da existência do “duplo dividendo”, através de um modelo computacional de equilíbrio geral. Para além disso, é feita uma análise dos impactos do Mercado Europeu de Licenças de Emissão, ao nível sectorial e regional, em Portugal, utilizando dados microeconómicos, com o objectivo de estudar as consequências ao nível das trasacções entre sectores e efeitos distributivos entre regiões.

Área de projecto de 12º ano de escolaridade: seu potencial educativo

A reforma curricular do ensino secundário em Portugal, enquadrada pelo Decreto-Lei nº. 74/2004, de 26 de Março, com as alterações introduzidas pelo Decreto-Lei nº. 24/2006, de 6 de Fevereiro, integra no desenho curricular dos cursos Científico- Humanísticos a Área de Projeto (AP). Esta área curricular não disciplinar, inscrita no plano de estudo dos referidos cursos, centra-se na realização de projectos concretos por parte dos alunos tendo em vista o desenvolvimento de uma visão integradora do saber, a promoção da sua orientação escolar e profissional e facilitar a sua aproximação ao mundo do trabalho (DGIDC, 2006, p.5). Diversos autores (Caamaño, 2005; Cachapuz et al., 2002; Pedrosa, 2001; Santos, 1999; Pérez, 1998; entre outros) apontam para a necessidade de a escola criar situações formativas que permitam aos alunos não só desenvolverem competências de pesquisa, selecção e organização de informação, mas também de estabelecerem relações entre os conhecimentos, de forma a adquirirem um saber integrado e a desenvolverem ainda competências de vivência numa sociedade que se rege por princípios de uma cidadania democrática e participativa. Sendo recente a implementação da Área de Projecto no ensino secundário, e face às actuais exigências sociais de criatividade e de inovação e à necessidade de intervir no futuro e de o conter dentro de limites previsíveis, partimos para este estudo com a seguinte questão: Qual o contributo da área curricular não disciplinar Área de Projecto do 12º ano - cursos de Ciências e Tecnologias - para o desenvolvimento de competências requeridas a um cidadão do século XXI? Perante esta questão, definimos como objectivos para a presente investigação: (a) estudar as potencialidades educativas da AP (12º ano) como contributo para o desenvolvimento de competências de cidadania; (b) estudar as potencialidades educativas da AP (12º ano) para a educação em e pelas ciências e (c) contribuir para o desenvolvimento do conhecimento didáctico sobre a relevância da AP no ensino secundário. Face aos objectivos definidos, delineámos uma metodologia de investigação qualitativa com características de estudo de caso, fazendo recurso de diversos instrumentos de recolha de dados (entrevista, questionário, observação directa, análise documental), e da análise de conteúdo como técnica principal de análise de dados. Os participantes privilegiados do estudo foram, para além da investigadora, alunos de uma turma do 12º ano e a respectiva professora de Área de Projecto. O estudo de caso consistiu no acompanhamento da concepção e do desenvolvimento da AP, numa turma de 12 alunos do 12º ano de escolaridade da cidade da Horta (Açores/Portugal), bem como na avaliação do seu impacto nos alunos da referida turma. Os resultados da investigação apontam, no caso concreto em estudo, para um elevado potencial educativo desta área curricular (traduzido por exemplo, ao nível de competências processuais e atitudinais), mas também para uma natureza excessivamente formal no desenvolvimento curricular de AP, incluindo a avaliação das aprendizagens dos alunos. Os resultados sugerem ainda a necessidade de se desenvolver uma didáctica especifica desta área curricular, que valorize as características de cada aluno e as especificidades do seu contexto, bem como as metodologias de trabalho a serem utilizadas, por forma a evitar que esta área curricular se transforme em mais uma disciplina do plano de estudos dos alunos. Vários caminhos de investigação futura emergem do estudo realizado. A título exemplificativo refira-se a necessidade de estudar como a formação de professores pode contribuir para o desenvolvimento profissional dos mesmos no âmbito da leccionação de AP e de outras similares.

A Democratic Opening? The AKP and the Kurdish Left

Since its foundation, militant democratic arguments have underpinned an enforced secularism in Turkey. The 2002 election of the AKP, described as a “moderate Islamist party”, has challenged Turkey’s secular identity. In the more than twelve years since the AKP has been in power, Turkey’s political landscape has experienced significant changes, with periods of extensive democratic reforms punctuated by regression in certain areas, notably freedom of expression and the right to protest. State repressive measures coupled with Recep Tayyip Erdoğan’s reluctance to exit the political stage have been the focus of much commentary and analysis. This article argues, however, that under AKP rule the Kurdish issue – critical to ensuring the normalization of politics and democratization in Turkey – has been brought in from the political cold and assesses the creation and role of the HDP (Halkların Demokratik Partisi), a Kurdish political party that is endeavoring to situate itself in the mainstream of Turkey’s political landscape. We posit that the HDP can be viewed as the offspring of this “democratic opening,” a project that was meant to ensure a radical transformation of the Kurdish issue in Turkey. Through analysing the historical trajectory of both AKP and HDP and the militant democratic arguments that led to their predecessors’ exclusion from the public sphere, this article engages with the key question of the extent to which the AKP’s treatment of the Kurdish issue has provided a vehicle for broader democratisation and facilitated a reconsideration of the Kurdish question in Turkey.

The First Government of Northern Ireland, Education Reform, and the Failure of Anti-populist Unionism, 1921–1925

This article examines education reform under the first government of Northern Ireland (1921–5). This embryonic period offered the Ulster Unionist leadership a chance to construct a more inclusive society, one that might diminish sectarian animosities, and thereby secure the fledgling state through cooperation rather than coercion. Such aspirations were severely tested by the ruling party’s need to secure the state against insurgency, and, more lastingly, to assuage the concerns of its historic constituency. The former led to a draconian security policy, the latter to a dependency on populist strategies and rhetoric. It is argued here, however, that this dependency was not absolute until July 1925. Before that, the Belfast government withstood growing pressure from populist agitators to reverse controversial aspects of its education reforms, only relenting when Protestant disaffection threatened the unity of the governing party and the existence of the state.

Reform, Standards and Teacher Identity: Challenges of Sustaining Commitment

Teacher commitment has been found to be a critical predictor of teachers’ work performance, absenteeism, retention, burnout and turnover, as well as having an important influence on students’ motivation, achievement, attitudes towards learning and being at school (Firestone (1996). Educational Administration Quarterly, 32(2), 209–235; Graham (1996). Journal of Physical Education, Recreation and Dance, 67(1), 45–47; Louis (1998). School Effectiveness and School Improvement, 9(1), 1–27; Tsui & Cheng (1999). Educational Research and Evaluation, 5(3), 249–268). It is also a necessary ingredient to the successful implementation, adaptation or resistance reform agendas. Surprisingly, however, the relationship between teachers’ motivation, efficacy, job satisfaction and commitment, and between commitment and the quality of their work has not been the subject of extensive research. Some literature presents commitment as a feature of being and behaving as a professional (Helsby, Knight, McCulloch, Saunders, & Warburton (1997). A report to participants on the professional cultures of Teachers Research Project, Lancaster University, January). Others suggest that it fluctuates according to personal, institutional and policy contexts (Louis (1998). School Effectiveness and School Improvement, 9(1), 1–27) and identify different dimensions of commitment which interact and fluctuate (Tyree (1996). Journal of Educational Research, 89(5), 295–304). Others claim that teachers’ commitment tends to decrease progressively over the course of the teaching career (Fraser, Draper, & Taylor (1998). Evaluation and Research in Education, 12 (2), 61–71; Huberman (1993). The lives of teachers. London: Cassell). In this research, experienced teachers in England and Australia were interviewed about their understandings of commitment. The data suggest that commitment may be better understood as a nested phenomena at the centre of which is a set of core, relatively permanent values based upon personal beliefs, images of self, role and identity which are subject to challenge by change which is socio-politically constructed.

Explaining party cohesion and discipline in democratic legislatures: purposiveness and contexts

Legislative party discipline and cohesion are important phenomena in the study of political systems. Unless assumptions are made that parties are cohesive and act as unified collectivities with reasonably well-defined goals, it is really difficult, if not impossible, to consider their electoral and legislative roles usefully. But levels of legislative party cohesiveness are also important because they provide us with crucial information about how legislatures/ parliaments function and how they interact with executives/governments. Without cohesive (or disciplined) parties,1 government survival in parliamentary systems is threatened because executive and legislative powers are fused while in separated systems presidents' bases of legislative support become less stable. How do we explain varying levels of legislative party cohesion? The first part of this article draws on the purposive literature to explore the benefits and costs to legislators in democratic legislatures of joining and acting collectively and individualistically within political parties. This leads on to a discussion of various conceptual and empirical problems encountered in analysing intra-party cohesion and discipline in democratic legislatures on plenary votes. Finally, the article reviews the extant empirical evidence on how a multiplicity of systemic, party-levels and situational factors supposedly impact cohesion/discipline levels. The article ends with a discussion of the possibilities and limitations of building comparative models of cohesion/discipline.

Prospects and Problems for Religious Education in England, 1967-1970: Curriculum Reform in Political Context

This article provides an historical case study of an abortive attempt to revise policy and legislation relating to Religious Education (RE) in English schools in the late 1960s and early 1970s. Drawing upon published sources, including parliamentary debates, as well as previously unutilised national archival sources from the Department of Education and Science, it comments upon events which have hitherto been omitted from the historiography of RE, but which help to contextualise significant changes in RE theory and practice at that time. Moreover, it demonstrates that the current parlous state of RE in schools is in part the result of latent and longstanding issues and problems, rather than a consequence of present-day government policy alone. Therefore, in reviewing and developing RE policies and practices, all stakeholders are urged to look more closely at both changes and continuities in the subject’s past and the contexts in which they occurred.

The Media as a Window on the Past? The Impact of Television and Newspaper Consumption on Knowledge of the Democratic Transition in Portugal

This study seeks to expand our understanding of how the media increase the level of political information, by focusing on an understudied yet important learning outcome: knowledge of the political past. The article explores the factors underlying variation in the recognition of the leading actors in the transitional process in Portugal. The results show that television news and newspaper exposure foster recognition of these actors, but that media use interacts with personal experience of the transition (stronger effects among younger cohorts) and party identification (stronger impact on those who do not feel close to a political party).