Mujeres, política y ciudadanía. Las reformistas en la campaña nacional de 1923

Resumen Muestra la participación de las mujeres en el partido reformista durante la campaña electoral de 1923, para comprender mejor el accionar femenino en la redefinición de la política y la ciudadanía durante la década de 1920. Abstract The author analyzes female participation in the reformist party during the redefinition of politics and citizenship in the 1920´s.

Il reddito di cittadinanza tra workfare e metamorfosi del lavoro: una prospettiva giuslavoristica

L'elaborato analizza il tema del reddito di cittadinanza, nella sue diverse accezioni, indagandone le interferenze con la disciplina giulavoristica e previdenziale alla luce delle metamorfosi del lavoro. Dopo aver ricostruito la genealogia del concetto di lavoro e, con esso, dei sistemi di sicurezza sociale, esaminiamo de jure condito le misure di sostegno al reddito in Italia, con particolare accento sulla tutela contro la disoccupazione e sul reddito di cittadinanza, senza trascurare, nondimeno, le misure straordinarie messe in campo durante l'emergenza pandemica. Infine, chiedendoci quale significato assuma oggi il lavoro in un contesto caratterizzato da flessibilità e precarietà, analizzeremo dapprima le possibilità di riforma delle misure vigenti nel nostro ordinamento (dagli ammortizzatori sociali al reddito di cittadinanza), spingendoci poi de jure condendo verso la possibile declinazione di un reddito di base incondizionato, provando a ripensare alcune tradizionali categorie giuslavoristiche, a partire dalle nozioni di mansione, tempo di lavoro e retribuzione, chiedendoci se il lavoro possa avere un orizzonte di senso che vada oltre il fare in cambio di un salario.

Educazione civica e competenze di cittadinanza: un'indagine su approcci e atteggiamenti degli insegnanti nella scuola secondaria

Con questo lavoro si vuole contribuire al dibattito riapertosi con il ritorno dell’Educazione civica in tutte le scuole italiane, a seguito dell’entrata in vigore della Legge 92/2019, in particolare valorizzando il punto di vista degli insegnanti. La ricerca è impostata secondo il disegno quantitativo dell’indagine correlazionale su ampio campione, preparata da una fase esplorativa durante la quale si sono svolte interviste semistrutturate a dieci docenti. A partire dai risultati di tale esplorazione, si è prodotto un questionario che è stato testato e revisionato nell’a.s. 2020-2021. Successivamente si sono condotte due diverse rilevazioni nell’a.s. 2021-2022: la prima su un campione rappresentativo degli insegnanti di scuola secondaria dell’Emilia-Romagna (main study), e la seconda su un campione non rappresentativo su base nazionale (rilevazione di approfondimento). I risultati dell’indagine fanno emergere un’accoglienza parziale delle innovazioni introdotte con la “nuova” Educazione civica. Le maggiori difficoltà si osservano rispetto alla progettazione collegiale dell’insegnamento, che la normativa vorrebbe affidato in contitolarità a tutto il Consiglio di classe, ma rispetto al quale sembra realizzarsi principalmente una “spartizione” delle ore, a cui fanno fronte attività gestite separatamente dai singoli insegnanti. Approcci e pratiche coerenti con i modelli della didattica per competenze tardano ad affermarsi per questo insegnamento, nonostante si siano osservate prime evidenze favorevoli in tal senso. I risultati sollevano il bisogno di maggiore accompagnamento e supporto dei docenti nell’implementazione collegiale di un curricolo di Educazione civica intenzionalmente orientato allo sviluppo delle competenze di cittadinanza.

A work book in citizenship training for children ... with special reference to civics, health, safety education, morals and manners, and thrift.

Mode of access: Internet.

Preparing for citizenship; an elementary textbook in civics,

Mode of access: Internet.

Citizenship and the schools,

Mode of access: Internet.

The decentralized social networking systems towards mobilizing actions of citizenship and solidarity against cancer

The goal of the present study is mapping the nature of possible contributions of participatory online platforms in citizen actions that may contribute in the fight against cancer and its associated consequences. These platforms are usually associated with entertainment: in that sense, we intent to test their validity in other domains such as health, as well as contribute to an expanded perception of their potential by their users. The research is based on the analysis of online solidarity networks, namely the ones residing on Facebook, Orkut and the blogosphere, that citizens have been gradually resorting to. The research is also based on the development of newer and more efficient solutions that provide the individual (directly or indirectly affected by issues of oncology) with the means to overcome feelings of impotence and fatality. In this article, we aim at summarizing the processes of usage of these decentralized, freer participatory platforms by citizens and institutions, while attempting to unravel existing hype and stigma; we also provide a first survey of the importance and the role of institutions in this kind of endeavor; lastly, we present a prototype, developed in the context of the present study, that is specifically dedicated to addressing oncology through social media. This prototype is already available online at www.talkingaboutcancer.org, however, still under development and testing. The main objective of this platform is to allow every citizen to freely build their network of contacts and information, according to their own individual and/ or collective needs and desires.

Organisational and professional commitments: the influence in nurses´organizational citizenship behaviours

The way an employee behaves in his work can be influenced by the organisational and professional commitment. Nurses are professionals who are guided by organisational and professional goals and values. Among nurses, professional commitment may be an important antecedent of organisational citizenship behaviours. The study shows how organisational and professional commitment is related with nurses’ organisational citizenship behaviours. Data from a sample of 420 nurses working in two hospitals --- the Hospital of St. Marcos, Braga and the Hospital Centre of Alto Ave, Guimarães and Fafe units were collected. The main findings are as follows: (a) organisational commitment and professional commitment contribute to the explanation of nurses’ organisational citizenship behaviours, (b) affective organisational commitment, continuance organisational commitment --- personal sacrifice, affective professional commitment and continuance professional commitment explain 28.6% of variance of organisational citizenship behaviours. © 2013 Instituto Politécnico do Cávado e do Ave (IPCA). Published by Elsevier España, S.L.U. All rights reserved.

Perceptions of organizational virtuousness and happiness and predictors of organizational citizenship behaviors

Journal of Business Ethics, Vol. 93 Issue 2, p214-235

Res Publica: Citizenship and Political Representation in Portugal, 1820-1926

The term res publica (literally “thing of the people”) was coined by the Romans to translate the Greek word politeia, which, as we know, referred to a political community organised in accordance with certain principles, amongst which the notion of the “good life” (as against exclusively private interests) was paramount. This ideal also came to be known as political virtue. To achieve it, it was necessary to combine the best of each “constitutional” type and avoid their worst aspects (tyranny, oligarchy and ochlocracy). Hence, the term acquired from the Greeks a sense of being a “mixed” and “balanced” system. Anyone that was entitled to citizenship could participate in the governance of the “public thing”. This implied the institutionalization of open debate and confrontation between interested parties as a way of achieving the consensus necessary to ensure that man the political animal, who fought with words and reason, prevailed over his “natural” counterpart. These premises lie at the heart of the project which is now being presented under the title of Res Publica: Citizenship and Political Representation in Portugal, 1820-1926. The fact that it is integrated into the centenary commemorations of the establishment of the Republic in Portugal is significant, as it was the idea of revolution – with its promise of rupture and change – that inspired it. However, it has also sought to explore events that could be considered the precursor of democratization in the history of Portugal, namely the vintista, setembrista and patuleia revolutions. It is true that the republican regime was opposed to the monarchic. However, although the thesis that monarchy would inevitably lead to tyranny had held sway for centuries, it had also been long believed that the monarchic system could be as “politically virtuous” as a republic (in the strict sense of the word) provided that power was not concentrated in the hands of a single individual. Moreover, various historical experiments had shown that republics could also degenerate into Caesarism and different kinds of despotism. Thus, when absolutism began to be overturned in continental Europe in the name of the natural rights of man and the new social pact theories, initiating the difficult process of (written) constitutionalization, the monarchic principle began to be qualified as a “monarchy hedged by republican institutions”, a situation in which not even the king was exempt from isonomy. This context justifies the time frame chosen here, as it captures the various changes and continuities that run through it. Having rejected the imperative mandate and the reinstatement of the model of corporative representation (which did not mean that, in new contexts, this might not be revived, or that the second chamber established by the Constitutional Charter of 1826 might not be given another lease of life), a new power base was convened: national sovereignty, a precept that would be shared by the monarchic constitutions of 1822 and 1838, and by the republican one of 1911. This followed the French example (manifested in the monarchic constitution of 1791 and in the Spanish constitution of 1812), as not even republicans entertained a tradition of republicanism based upon popular sovereignty. This enables us to better understand the rejection of direct democracy and universal suffrage, and also the long incapacitation (concerning voting and standing for office) of the vast body of “passive” citizens, justified by “enlightened”, property- and gender-based criteria. Although the republicans had promised in the propaganda phase to alter this situation, they ultimately failed to do so. Indeed, throughout the whole period under analysis, the realisation of the potential of national sovereignty was mediated above all by the individual citizen through his choice of representatives. However, this representation was indirect and took place at national level, in the hope that action would be motivated not by particular local interests but by the common good, as dictated by reason. This was considered the only way for the law to be virtuous, a requirement that was also manifested in the separation and balance of powers. As sovereignty was postulated as single and indivisible, so would be the nation that gave it soul and the State that embodied it. Although these characteristics were common to foreign paradigms of reference, in Portugal, the constitutionalization process also sought to nationalise the idea of Empire. Indeed, this had been the overriding purpose of the 1822 Constitution, and it persisted, even after the loss of Brazil, until decolonization. Then, the dream of a single nation stretching from the Minho to Timor finally came to an end.

Educating for sociability and learning for citizenship: developing communicational skills and mediation in educational contexts

This text concerns a program about the Promotion of Social and Communicational Skills and Mediation (PSCSM) developed with children aged between 10 and 13 years in a non-formal educational institution. The program of intervention had, as its purpose, the promotion of social and communicational competencies and mediation, thus enabling the children involved to have a healthy and responsible sociability in the different contexts in which they find themselves: family, school, peer group, amongst others. It was developed over 13 sessions with objectives and activities intentionally planned with the view of promoting competencies of communication, co-operation, responsibility, a critical spirit, solidarity, autonomy, respect, integration, inclusion and the recognition of rights and duties. This work was carried out with an action-research methodology that resorted to various techniques and instruments to gather and record information. The results obtained showed the impact and benefits of the program and they also revealed the necessity of educational institutions investing in the promotion of an ethical literacy and the empowerment of the children and young people for healthy sociability and active citizenship.

Ciudadanía y bien común en el marco de una ética pública. Citizenship and common good in the frame of a public ethics.

La investigación pretende hacer aportes para la reformulación ético-discursiva de las ideas de ciudadanía y bien común, que sea capaz de articular la libertad y la equidad con la corresponsabilidad solidaria en contextos post-neoliberales de globalización, interculturalidad y exclusión. En este sentido, una reconfiguración de la sociedad y de la ciudadanía implicará mostrar en qué sentido y de qué modo el espacio público tiene que estar abierto no sólo a la competencia y a los consumidores, sino a ciudadanos ilustrados, autónomos y críticos. La investigación parte del supuesto que, desde los presupuestos teóricos, conceptuales y metodológicos de la teoría del discurso y de la teoría de la democracia deliberativa es posible reformular un concepto de bien común apto para articular la integración social en contextos de interacción pluralista y conflictiva, como son las democracias actuales. Puede parecer extraño, y no sin razón, que el concepto de bien común pueda ser rehabilitado en el contexto de sociedades pluralistas y democráticas, e incorporada convincentemente en la estructura de una nueva ética cívica. La extrañeza puede ser aún mayor si se piensa que, en la actualidad, la formulación de una nueva ética cívica se ve enfrentada tanto a desafíos internos, estrictamente ético-filosóficos, como externos, provenientes de problemas y conflictos histórico-contextuales y culturales (Michelini, 1998, 2000). Finalmente, es posible que la supuesta extrañeza esté relacionada también con el hecho de que el concepto de bien común sea empleado no sólo de modo ambiguo, sino que, además, haya sido utilizado en prácticas muy diversas: desde la búsqueda filosófica de la ciudad perfecta y del Estado ideal -en la que Platón manifiesta que "las cosas de los amigos deben ser comunes" (Platón, 1974a, V, 424a, 449c; 1974b, 739a-e)-, hasta las múltiples instrumentalizaciones históricas en las que el concepto de bien común se utilizó para articular la religión con el patriotismo o la razón de Estado. En la historia más o menos reciente de muchos países latinoamericanos encontramos, en este respecto, ejemplos trágicos: en nombre de la razón de Estado y del bien común, no pocas veces se ha pretendido mantener el orden establecido o defender una determinada ideología, incluso vulnerando la legitimidad del Estado de Derecho y lesionando normas éticas fundamentales. El objetivo general de la investigación es fundamentar un sustento teórico coherente para una reelaboración de los conceptos de ciudadanía y bien común en vista de una ética pública de la corresponsabilidad solidaria en sociedades democráticas y en contextos de globalización, interculturalidad y exclusión, e indagar acerca de su aplicabilidad a los campos de la práctica política y educativa. Los resultados del proyecto tendrán un impacto no sólo teórico, sino también práctico en el ámbito de las ciencias humanas, particularmente en el ámbito de la filosofía práctica, la ética pública, la política y el sistema educativo. Además, se propone elaborar lineamientos de acción para las instituciones sociales, educativas y políticas locales, regionales y nacionales, ayudar a esclarecer aspectos centrales de una convivencia democrática y pluralista, y contribuir al esclarecimiento de los deberes, de los derechos y de la corresponsabilidad solidaria.