706 resultados para biblical


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ContentsCo$t of ComfortArguing biblical sourcesRunway prepped for annual Fashion Show Steps to take when going for greenFootball preps on basicsA defense of debate practices

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Recently allegorical interpretations of biblical texts, which go back directly to the exegesis of the Church Fathers, are becoming more presentable. The goal of this lecture is to inspire a critical-feminist discussion about this phenomenon, to point out the dangers and ask – last but not least in a self-critical view – for the reasons that bring forward such a development.

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The paper focuses on the imagery of early Christian rituals (esp. of the eucharist and baptism) as they are found in allegorical interpretations of beasts in the Greek Physiologus and trace the way of selected motifs from the New Testament to this first Christian interpretation of nature in context of early Christian literature and theology. A special attention is given to the pelican, which is one of the most famous symbols of the eucharist, and to impressive baptismal imageries in the chapter on the eagle, on the snake and in some other chapters. The aim of the analysis is to explore the theological roots of the ritual imagery of Physiologus and to show that this work of early Egyptian Christianity is anything but 'unsakramental' as argued by E. Peterson (1959).

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The discussion on the New Philology triggered by French and North American scholars in the last decade of the 20th century emphasized the material character of textual transmission inside and outside the written evidences of medieval manuscripts by downgrading the active role of the historical author. However, the reception of the ideas propagated by the New Philology adherents was rather divided. Some researchers questioned its innovative status (K. Stackmann: “Neue Philologie?”), others saw a new era of the “powers of philology” evoked (H.-U. Gumbrecht). Besides the debates on the New Philology another concept of textual materiality strengthened in the last decade, maintaining that textual alterations somewhat relate to biogenetic mutations. In a matter of fact, phenomena such as genetic and textual variation, gene recombination and ‘contamination’ (the mixing of different exemplars in one manuscript text) share common features. The paper discusses to what extent the biogenetic concepts can be used for evaluating manifestations of textual production (as the approach of ‘critique génétique’ does) and of textual transmission (as the phylogenetic analysis of manuscript variation does). In this context yet the genealogical concept of stemmatology – the treelike representation of textual development abhorred by the New Philology adepts – might prove to be useful for describing the history of texts. The textual material to be analyzed will be drawn from the Parzival Project, which is currently preparing a new electronic edition of Wolfram von Eschenbach’s Parzival novel written shortly after 1200 and transmitted in numerous manuscripts up to the age of printing (www.parzival.unibe.ch). Researches of the project have actually resulted in suggesting that the advanced knowledge of the manuscript transmission yields a more precise idea on the author’s own writing process.

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What meaning does God’s name convey? This was a question Martin Buber and Franz Rosenzweig had to answer when working on their translation of the Bible. They noticed that, as certain crucial biblical verses suggest, there is indeed a meaning behind God’s name in the Bible. Thus, an important moment in their joint translation was their account of the self-revelation of God in Exod. III, together with the question of how best to translate the tetragrammaton YHWH— the name of God. This article will explore their decisions, based both on their dialogue concerning the translation of the Bible, and on their papers, especially Rosenzweig’s well-known article ‘Der Ewige’ (‘The Eternal’) and Buber’s response to it. Less well known is the fact that there exist two unpublished typescripts by Martin Buber reflecting on the name of God, which will also be taken into consideration. Contrary to the received view that the choice of the personal pronoun to transliterate the name of God in the Bible translation was mainly Rosenzweig’s, I will show that it was actually a joint decision in which both thinkers’ philosophies,1 and a question that had haunted Buber since his youth, played an important part. The choice of the personal pronoun is an answer to this question, addressing the omnipresent God, the eternal Thou, in a kind of cultic acclamation.

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The perception of the human body as container is widespread in cognitive linguistics, psychology and anthropology and is estimated to be universal. But what can we say about the specific context of the Hebrew Bible as well as Ancient-Near-Eastern texts and material culture, and more especially about anthropomorphic vessels in the Levant? Biblical, Egyptian and Mesopotamian texts compare the human body with pottery in order to emphasize its status of having been created (Geschöpflichkeit) on the one hand, and its fragility (Zerbrechlichkeit) on the other. Not in every case does the metaphor refer to an individual. Very often, however, it is used with relation to groups of people (nations) and requires particular caution when it comes to drawing a conclusion about the embodiment. The archaeological-iconographic record demonstrates that the human body, especially the female body, was imagined as a container. The fact that vessels in the shape of female bodies are the majority can partly be explained with the association between container and pregnancy. This essay aims at stimulating the discussion about embodiment in the Ancient Near East, concepts of emotion the body as a container in the Hebrew Bible, and its relation to the material culture.

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For Jewish-Hellenistic authors writing in Egypt, the Exodus story posed unique challenges. After all, to them Egypt was, as Philo of Alexandria states, their fatherland. How do these authors come to terms with the biblical story of liberation from Egyptian slavery and the longing for the promised land? In this chapter I am taking a close look at Philo’s detailed discussion of the Exodus and locate it within the larger context of Jewish-Hellenistic literature (Wisdom of Solomon, Ezekiel’s Exagoge). In Philo’s rewriting of the Exodus the destination of the journey is barely mentioned. Contrary to the biblical narrative, in the scene of the burning bush, as retold by Philo, God does not tell Moses where to go. Philo’s main concern is what happens in Egypt: both in biblical times and in his own days. The Exodus is nevertheless important to Philo: He reads the story allegorically as a journey from the land of the body to the realms of the mind. Such a symbolic reading permitted him to control the meaning of the Exodus and to stay, literally and figuratively, in Egypt.

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La obra crítica y la poesía de Edelweis Serra poseen un particular sentido en el contexto cultural argentino en el que se desarrollan. En una época de manifiesta secularización, su tentativa se orienta hacia el rescate de la dimensión sagrada de la realidad. El estudio ofrece un examen panorámico sobre la labor de Edelweis Serra. Dicho examen atiende especialmente a los principales temas y los rasgos estilísticos dominantes en su lírica. En lo que se refiere a este último punto, el interés se centra en los aspectos que resaltan la singularidad de su poesía: el arraigo de símbolos y figuras retóricas propias del lenguaje bíblico. Tales características guardan relación con su concepción de la poesía como don divino. Se propone, de este modo, la difusión de una labor importante, tanto crítica como de creación literaria, y el señalamiento de las claves interpretativas que favorecen su lectura.

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En el presente trabajo se analiza La vara de fuego del escritor mendocino Abelardo Arias, en tanto novela que, junto con Álamos talados, representa el filón autobiográfico de su narrativa y el eje central de su poética. En particular nos centramos en sus características principales y en el ineludible diálogo que entabla con Álamos talados (1942) y La viña estéril (1969). Obras con las cuales el autor conforma un tríptico, en el que se refracta su personalidad, y cuyas bisagras están compuestas por el juego interno de imbricación de la realidad con la ficción y de la ficción en la ficción. Asimismo, se estudia la relación simbólica entre las tres obras, basada en el mito del Edén Perdido y en la confirmación de su leit-motiv: el desencuentro humano (en el amor y en la amistad), necesario castigo luego de la bíblica caída.

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El judaísmo tardío y posteriormente el cristianismo incursionaron frecuentemente en el célebre pasaje de Éx. 3, 14, entendiéndolo como la revelación del Nombre divino a Moisés. Las respectivas influencias de la ontología griega y de la Septuaginta que traduce el citado texto hebreo por “Yo Soy el que Soy" (ejgwv eijmi oJ w[n), se hicieron presentes en la tradición cristiana desde sus orígenes hasta la Escolástica del siglo XIII. Sea con matices esencialistas o de carácter existencial, el Dios bíblico ha sido comprendido como “Ser" en distintos momentos del cristianismo medieval. Este alejamiento de la intuición bíblica originaria en dirección a una concepción helénica del Ser, produjo notables consecuencias en la imagen de Dios sostenida por los cristianos.

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Haimón de Auxerre escribió numerosos comentarios bíblicos en la segunda mitad del siglo IX. Es un representante de la elite intelectual monástica carolingia y, por lo tanto, sus textos pueden ser utilizados para estudiar la peculiar visión acerca del mundo y la sociedad, creada por el fragmento monástico de la aristocracia del periodo carolingio. La comprensión del pensamiento monástico del siglo IX es fundamental para la comprensión de las grandes reformas del siglo X (como la cluniacense) y por extensión del papado reformista del siglo XI. El centro del presente trabajo es estudiar la forma en la que Haimón construye, partiendo de un texto bíblico profético -el Libro de Oseas- la idea de sometimiento del poder real a la guía espiritual de la elite monástica.

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La llegada del Corpus aristotelicum al mundo occidental suscitó numerosas reacciones, tantas como eran las sensibilidades receptoras. San Buenaventura no es ajeno al pensamiento del Estagirita, y junto a las fuentes patrísticas y bíblicas, los argumentos filosóficos formarán parte en la solución de los problemas. Y si todo el edificio filosófico se vio tocado por la filosofía griega de Aristóteles, y en todo se necesitaba una respuesta, más aún aconteció con el mundo de lo sensible, sobre todo, en los pensadores de la llamada Escuela franciscana, que de una u otra manera manejaron este tema con delicada pericia, toda vez, que el espíritu franciscano reverenciaba la «Hermana naturaleza» y lo sensible como manifestación del Amor de Dios. En especial, nos fijamos en san Buenaventura, y en su esfuerzo por realizar una respuesta original desde las fuentes escolásticas al pensamiento nuevo de la filosofía de la naturaleza aristotélica en el espíritu de Asís. Creemos que es posible realizar una lectura de la epistemología y antropología de la captación de lo sensible en san Buenaventura desde una metafísica-estética de la naturaleza, como alternativa a la filosofía de la naturaleza de corte aristotélico.

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En este estudio se presenta evidencia que contribuye a situar al autor del Poema de mio Cid en el ambiente eclesiástico de fines del siglo XII. A tal fin, se examinan las oraciones intercaladas en el poema, testimonio de la erudición y devoción características de un clérigo. El conocimiento de episodios bíblicos y la presencia de numerosos cultismos, especialmente en la oración de doña Jimena, apuntan hacia un origen eclesiástico del poema, probablemente compuesto en el monasterio de Cardeña donde estaba enterrado el Cid.