825 resultados para Social groups


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Las transformaciones padecidas por los musulmanes de Granada a raíz de la conversión masiva de 1499-1500 se reflejan en el cambio antroponímico inicial y su evolución durante el siglo XVI. En este estudio se evalúa la autenticidad de los nombres árabes en los documentos castellanos y se propone una metodología onomástica que abarca dos sistemas diversos (el árabe y el castellano) y que permite un cierto grado de sincretismo. La onomástica comparativa (sincrónica y diacrónica) desde la Edad Media hasta la Moderna, con muestras de otros colectivos permite calibrar el grado de aculturación de los moriscos y descubrir patrones de comportamiento cultural que resultan difícilmente discernibles por otros medios.

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A criação de espaços territoriais especialmente protegidos é uma estratégia utilizada pelo homem desde a antiguidade, objetivando a reserva de áreas com características naturais necessárias à manutenção ou à reprodução cultural de populações humanas específicas, regulando e limitando o acesso e a apropriação de certos recursos e/ou reservando-os para usos ou futuros. Os processos de criação dessas “áreas especialmente protegidas” foram contudo intensificados, no final do século XX, com a percepção da finitude dos recursos naturais, e acelerados pelo florescimento e a consolidação do capitalismo, agora “globalizado”. Quando tais processos, são orientados por interesses diversos de grupos sociais hegemônicos, são comuns não só a desestruturação do modo de vida dos usuários dos recursos naturais tradicionalmente relacionados aos “territórios especiais”, como também a expulsão de grupos não-hegemônicos neles já instalados, sempre que suas práticas culturais sejam consideradas como incompatíveis com os fins e os objetivos da área que se pretende proteger. Entre os tipos de área especialmente protegida estabelecidos pela legislação brasileira, encontram-se as Unidades de Conservação da Natureza (UC). Criadas por Lei com o objetivo de conservar a biodiversidade brasileira, as UC vem sendo palco de diversos conflitos ambientais envolvendo populações tradicionais em todos os biomas brasileiros, mas pode ser mais facilmente evidenciada na Amazônia, aonde a megabiodiversidade a proteger se sobrepõe a territórios ocupados por diversas etnias indígenas e outros povos tradicionais. Os conflitos são intensificados quando a categoria de manejo da UC criada restringe o acesso e altera os modos de apropriação e/ou dos usos tradicionais dos recursos naturais da área por parte dos residentes, inclusive impedindo a continuidade da permanência das populações no interior da UC, no caso o grupo das UC de Proteção Integral. À luz dos debates que vem sendo travados no campo da ecologia política, tais processos conflituosos estariam associados à desterritorialização dos grupos afetados pela criação da UC, nos quais o Estado brasileiro seria o responsável direto. Independentemente das diversas abordagens acadêmicas para o conceito de “território”, entende-se atualmente que a territorialização e a desterritorialização (com consequente reterritorialização) são processos interrelacionados e circularmente conectados, não podendo ser compreendidos separadamente. Assim, o objetivo do presente trabalho é contribuir para a compreensão desses processos de des-re-terrritorialização, avaliando como alguns mecanismos previstos na Lei do Sistema Nacional das Unidades de Conservação para o reassentamento das populações anteriormente residentes vem sendo aplicados, no sentido de promover processos de reterritorialização. As reflexões apresentadas se dão a partir do caso dos ribeirinhos e colonos residentes na Estação Ecológica da Terra do Meio, Pará, Brasil. A partir da avaliação, são propostas alternativas para minimizar a situação de injustiça ambiental na qual se encontram esses atores sociais específicos.

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Este artigo descreve o uso de artefatos funerários na reconstituição histórica do processo de trabalho em marmorarias instaladas no município de São Carlos (São Paulo, Brasil), no período 1890-1950. Observação direta e registro fotográfico de artefatos funerários, exame de ferramentas de trabalho e utilização de fontes orais permitiram a reconstituição do processo de trabalho. A composição química de fragmentos de artefatos funerários foi determinada por Difração de Raios X e Microscopia Eletrônica de Varredura, evidenciando matérias-primas e sua combinação e uso no processo de trabalho. Considerando-se as etapas produtivas da indústria de rochas ornamentais (extração, serragem e beneficiamento final), os artefatos funerários indicam que as marmorarias inseriam-se na etapa de beneficiamento final. As marmorarias integravam os setores de base técnica artesanal da indústria brasileira, apresentando: baixo grau de concentração de capital e de operários; predomínio da habilidade do ofício especializado; separação pouco nítida entre trabalhadores e instrumentos de trabalho; identificação do trabalhador com o produto. Artefatos de mármore e granito eram destinados a brasileiros de segmentos sociais abastados, durante o início da imigração na cidade de São Carlos (final do século XIX). A partir de 1920, italianos incorporam-se a clientela dos marmoristas, indicando a mobilidade social do imigrante na cidade.

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The political campaign before Germany’s parliamentary elections to be held on 22 September has in all its glory reflected the trends visible during the last four years of the government of Chancellor Angela Merkel – the strength of the Christian Democrats, the weakness of the opposition and the increasing marginalisation of the coalition partner, the FDP. The CDU/CSU remains the most popular political choice in Germany, largely because Angela Merkel has consistently remained the most popular German politician. Everything indicates that the CDU/CSU will win the election, even though it has been running a passive campaign and the Chancellor herself has been avoiding confrontation, presenting herself as a kind of cross-party representative of the interests of all social groups. The Christian Democrats’ main competitors, the Social Democrats, have been unable to play to their strengths and present themselves as a serious alternative to the CDU/CSU. The Christian Democrats, despite their difficult cooperation with the liberal FDP, have declared their willingness to continue doing so during the next parliamentary term. If the numbers make that impossible, and the Social Democrats and the Greens have too few votes to be able to form a government, a grand coalition of the Christian Democrats and the SPD will be formed in Germany.

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Dmitry Medvedev’s presidency was an experiment carried out by the Russian ruling elite. Even though the new president has been a loyal member of the ruling camp, this decision involved certain risk that the extensive constitutional powers could eventually encourage the new president to seek emancipation, which could provoke internal conflicts and splits in the elite. This paper analyses Medvedev’s presidency and tries to answer the question why this scenario did not take place and why Medvedev failed to overcome the restrictions imposed on him at the start of his presidential term. The paper also presents the activation of certain social groups during Medvedev’s presidency and their calls for a new social contract with the government.

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In this study, the relationship between the country's level of literacy and its national culture will be explored. Cultural differences effect the way that people think and react. Culture is "the value shared amongst distinctive social groups and classes" (Soley and Pandya 2003, 206). House, et al. (2004, 57) define culture as "shared motives, values, beliefs, identities, and interpretations or meanings of significant events that result from common experiences of members of collectives and are transmitted across age generations." Dutch anthropologist Geert Hofstede (1991) considers culture to be "the collective programming of the mind. Culture is a stem of collectively held values" (Hofstede 1981, p. 240).

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The concept of citizenship is one of the most complicated in political and social sciences. Its long process of historical development makes dealing with it particularly complicated. Citizenship is by nature a multi-dimensional concept: there is a legal citizenship, referring first to the equal legal status of individuals, for instance the equality between men and women. Legal citizenship also refers to a political dimension, the right to start and/or join political parties, or political participation more broadly. Thirdly, it has a religious dimension relating to the right of all religious groups to equally and freely practice their religious customs and rituals. Finally, legal citizenship possesses a socio-economic dimension related to the non-marginalisation of different social categories, for instance women. All of these dimensions, far from being purely objects of legal texts and codifications, are emerging as an arena of political struggle within the Egyptian society. Citizenship as a concept has its roots in European history and, more specifically, the emergence of the nation state in Europe and the ensuing economic and social developments in these societies. These social developments and the rise of the nation state have worked in parallel, fostering the notion of an individual citizen bestowed with rights and obligations. This gradual interaction was very different from what happened in the context of the Arab world. The emerging of the nation state in Egypt was an outcome of modernisation efforts from the top-down; it coercively redesigned the social structure, by eliminating or weakening some social classes in favour of others. These efforts have had an impact on the state-society relation at least in two respects. First, on the overlapping relation between some social classes and the state, and second, on the ability of some social groups to self-organise, define and raise their demands. This study identifies how different political parties in Egypt envision the multi-dimensional concept of citizenship. We focus on the following elements: Nature of the state (identity, nature of the regime) Liberties and rights (election laws, political party laws, etc.) Right to gather and organise (syndicates, associations, etc.) Freedom of expression and speech (right to protest, sit in, strike, etc.) Public and individual liberties (freedom of belief, personal issues, etc.) Rights of marginalised groups (women, minorities, etc.)

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Not a year goes by that we don’t hear of another hazing scandal in a higher education institution. Many researchers took interest in this issue in order to understand its causes and consequences. They provided definitions and lead to prevent it. We found hazing in many social groups around the world, with different names, and under specific forms. This paper aims to better understand hazing and its actors, with a specific focus on hazing in higher education. We presented three definitions to offer several perspectives on hazing, and facilitate its apprehension. Our method was to analyze the relevant scientific literature with the intention of reflecting on its roots and representation among individuals. Results are an exposition of motivations from hazing's actors, recommendations about how to define it and how to prevent derivations. Our main conclusions assume hazing is usually depicted as a deviant behavior, but it would appear to be a norm. Also, its core purpose would be the progression from newcomer to a group member. A lack of structure or meaning could lead to its misuse and facilitate outrageous events. In higher education, hazing seems to be used as a tool to integrate freshmen in their new institutional world. Scandals including violence, sexual and alcohol abuse could be a symptom of something deeper from hazing's environment.

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Les institutions de mémoire et de savoir (par exemple, les bibliothèques, les archives, les musées) font face à des défis importants dans leurs responsabilités d’assurer la pérennité du patrimoine documentaire à l’ère numérique. Citons la surabondance de l’information numérique, la possibilité de production, théoriquement illimitée, offerte aux individus comme aux groupes sociaux, les limites dans les capacités de stockage et de diffusion de l’information numérique qui sont à la disposition des institutions mandataires du patrimoine documentaire. De plus, il est apparu que les approches et les méthodes utilisées pour identifier, gérer, préserver et diffuser le patrimoine documentaire de la société canadienne dans un environnement analogique n’étaient transférables à un environnement numérique. Nous suggérons que la théorie sociale de la connaissance peut servir de base à une réflexion portant sur le développement d’une politique publique qui viserait à encadrer l’identification, la sélection, la gestion et la préservation du patrimoine documentaire d’une société à l'ère numérique. Nous définissons la problématique puis proposons des réponses à travers trois articles scientifiques. Les résultats indiquent que les connaissances et les pratiques professionnelles utilisées demeurent persistantes et limitent la formulation et l'application de nouveaux cadres théoriques, de politiques administratives et de techniques associés à l'identification et la sélection du patrimoine documentaire. Cette recherche propose un cadre conceptuel qui permet de développer des politiques publiques sur le patrimoine documentaire du Canada.

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Cover title.

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Last date cited in text: 1896.

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"Second edition."

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A collection of miscellaneous pamphlets.

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Mode of access: Internet.

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Aiming at success in the currently challenging Brazilian market, luxury firms must consider a number of factors. Not only the adaptation to certain economic and political conditions but also the understanding of Brazilian luxury consumers’ characteristics as well as their value perceptions towards luxury are crucial in order to create an effective marketing strategy. This study investigated the value perceptions and purchasing motives of 428 Brazilian consumers. Brazilians purchase luxury goods in order to conspicuously put them on show to certain social reference group or to the general public. Thus, they display their wealth, income and social status. Social groups therefore play a distinct role in the purchasing decision process. Moreover, Brazilians are found to be hedonic consumers, seeking pleasurable moments and the reduction of stress when consuming luxury products. In addition to that, they use luxurious products to express their own personality. Brazilians hence place a much higher importance on self-expressive, emotional product benefits rather than on rational, functional product benefits. Marketers of luxury goods are advised to make use of this knowledge in order to adequately address consumers’ needs, wants and beliefs. The study focuses on consumers living in Rio de Janeiro and does not take into account different value perceptions on different luxury product categories. Therefore, suggestions for further research include replicating the study in different Brazilian regions and probing for differences among product categories.