855 resultados para Social discourse
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In the 21st century field of culture, the economic crisis (and its consequences) has fomented a debate on the social responsibility of the writer. In particular quite a few works of Spanish literature account for a marked responsible, interventionist and dissident discourse. Thus, from the present day and aware of historicity, this article pauses at a key episode in the trajectory of the said debate: the rehumanization of art during the 1930s, the passing from autonomy to commitment in art. A crucial aspect in the Edad de Plata is addressed with the aim of precisely showing how a milestone in the attitude of the creator before society and its disruptions arose, how an exemplary case developed for exploring aspects specific to this positioning of the author, which is itself being reconsidered today.
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In 1964, the South Korean government designated the music for the sacrificial rite at the Royal Ancestral Shrine (Chongmyo) as Intangible Cultural Property No. 1, and in 2001 UNESCO awarded the rite and music a place in the Intangible Cultural Heritage of Humanity. The Royal Ancestral Shine sacrificial rite and music together have long been an admired symbol of Korean cultural history, and they are currently performed annually and publicly in an abridged form. While the significance of the modern version of the music mainly rests on the claimed authenticity and continuity of the tradition since the fifteenth century, scholarly inquiry sheds further light on contextual issues such as nationalism, identity, and modernity in the post-colonial era (after 1945), as well as providing additional insights into the music. This dissertation focuses on the Royal Ancestral Shrine’s musical past as reflected in documentary sources, especially those compiled in the eighteenth century during the Chosŏn dynasty (1392–1910). In particular, the substantial music section of an encyclopedic work, Tongguk Munhŏn pigo (Encyclopedia of Documents and Institutions of the East Kingdom, 1770), mainly compiled by a government official, Sŏ Myŏngŭng (1716–1787), provides a considerable amount of information on not only the music and sacrificial rite program, but also on eighteenth-century and earlier concerns about them, as discussed by the kings and ministers at the Chosŏn royal court. After detailed examination of various relevant documentary sources on the historical, social and political contexts, I investigate the various discourses on music and ritual practices. I then focus on Sŏ Myŏngŭng’s familial background, his writings on music prior to the compilation of the encyclopedia, and the corresponding content in the encyclopedia. I argue that Sŏ successfully converted the music section of the encyclopedia from a straightforward scholarly reference work to a space for publishing his own research on and interpretation of the musical past, illustrating what he considered to be the inappropriateness of the existing music for the sacrificial rite at the Royal Ancestral Shrine in the later eighteenth century.
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Diversity has become a buzz word in public discourse and in educational circles. Higher education institutions in the US have increasingly used this word as a cornerstone of their mission statements and have made increasing efforts to attract students from different backgrounds. As part of the increase in diversity efforts among US colleges, is a significant rise in the number of international students. Attracting international students has become a priority for U.S. universities regardless of size or location. This study examines the intersection between the structure of American educational environment and the blended identities of African Graduate Student Mothers. Within the context of contemporary diversity efforts in US educational institutions, this study examines both the structural environments and the socio-cultural constructs that affect the experiences of African graduate student mothers. Based on a qualitative research interview design, a total of nineteen African graduate student mothers at a Mid-Western University in the US were interviewed individually and in groups over a six weeks period. Results from this study show that apart from the difficult and often dehumanizing treatment African student mothers endure from immigration and consular officials in their various countries and ports of entry, they often find themselves at the margins of their various programs and departments with very little support if any. This is because most of them enroll into graduate programs after arriving as dependants of their spouses; a process that does not allow them to negotiate for departmental commitments and support prior to their arrival. Not only do these women face racial discrimination from white professors, staff and fellow students, but they also experience discrimination and hostilities from African Americans and other minority groups who see them as threats to the limited resources that are often set aside for minority groups in such institutions.
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The central research question was to search for data to ratify the theory and discourse of the so-called practitioners of economic solidarity, by defending the substantive rationality should guide the principles of economic solidary, designing the space economy incidental and not the primacy of relations in determining social as well, reflecting the predominance of dimensions of social management in administrative practices of ESS's. For both analyzed the theoretical dimensions of social management - sociopolitical, economic, organizational and environmental - manifested in organizational practices supportive of economic organization Potiguar West. For the success of the research realized the triangulation involving a combination of quantitative and qualitative methodological approaches. At first the research will use a quantitative approach, from the cluster analysis, to verify the behavior of the sample chosen for this study. In the second stage of the qualitative study was carried out focus group technique (FLICK, 2002) for further analysis of the dimensions of social management on organizational practices supportive of economic organization, related to the principles of Solidary Economy, established in a quantitative approach. In quantitative analysis, the socio-political dimension, it was clear that the more equity instruments of internal and external, from the purposeful living in public spaces, the best monetary results. Another point worth stressing concerns the economic dimension, with the practice reciprocity prevailing in market. Thus, the qualitative approach was possible to understand the processes of exchange of product or service. Rural enterprises surveyed in the allocation of the agro-ecological products have the following scale of priority, sequentially: self-consumption (domestic), market and exchange. The research leads to the fact that training and practices that enhance the socio-political dimension (knowledge, empowerment, sense of belonging) become the guiding principle for the strengthening of the social management in the context of other dimensions, leading to gains sociopolitical, economic, organizational and environmental. Despite the weaknesses found in the organizational dimension and environment, both in a quantitative as in qualitative, we determined that the practices of ESS's Potiguar West incorporate predominantly elements of social management and economic solidarity, with a preponderance of substantive rationality in the primacy of the instrumental. Finally, research has brought information that the participants of the ESS's do not give the money economy primacy in determining social relations, which in turn leads to the confirmation that, in practice the solidarity economy, prevailing the dominance of substantive rationality, as a guide for organizational practices
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This study was a critical investigation of the configuration of discourse on work in the Brazilian criminal legal discourse. We problematized the discourse of an alleged reintegrative social function proposed by the criminal legal system and analyzed the role of such discourse in the core of disciplinary power strategies that impose on individuals the honest worker condition as a major criterion for their rehabilitation and return to society as citizens. This critique is our starting point to build the argument that discourse on work as it appears in current criminal legal texts operates more as a criminalization index of those who do not have a lawful occupation than a guarantee of legitimate social transit for convicts and recognition of their dignity. For this purpose, we used as corpus the main sources of Law, namely the Federal Constitution of 1988, the Penal Code, the Penal Execution Law, the Brazilian criminal doctrine and an extensive, more recent penal jurisprudence with regard to techniques of resocialization through work. This critical line enabled us to recognize complexity and plurality of discourses - antagonistic, at times - that build the world of work as portrayed in legal texts. We also sought reference in the discussion on the centrality of work as a formative category of the social being as well as theories that defend the non-centrality of work. Throughout our investigation, we sough to question the very condition of such centrality and to understand the ways in which it was possible to produce a legitimating discourse on work as a model of emancipatory social conduct defended and demanded by the Brazilian punitive system. In a context of precariousness, unemployment and flexibilization of the world of work in contemporary society, convicts hardly ever succeed to resume the identity of honest, hard-working citizens - and no longer offenders. In this context, we also questioned the formulation of a discourse that speaks about human labor as the essence of man and criticizes the Marxist vision that is based on work centrality, and we approached the concept of Michel Foucault, our theoretician of reference, who understands work more as a mechanism of power that promotes the individuals’ submission and adaptation to a goods-producing society than the natural activity of man. We ascribe our study to the field of questions that tackle the political conception of the body as subject to labor imposed as productive and political force. It is about the issue of political technology of individuals, a technology of power, as named by the French author. The intended analysis has not dismissed the material existence of labor relations but sought to discuss the validity of a discourse that considers work the main resource for convict rehabilitation and index for the recognition of dignity and honesty. The Foucauldian discourse analysis was the foundation for the investigation of our object, especially if we understand discourses as social practices with power to institute knowledge and produce truths.
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La República Liberal (1930-1946) se reconoce por los intentos de trasformación social, aunque pueda cuestionarse su profundidad e impacto en la sociedad. Los propósitos de trasformación intentan adaptar el país a los desafíos del capitalismo industrial y la modernidad intelectual. En este marco de cambios, se propone también la modificación de los discursos y prácticas culturales para la modernización del país y, con ello, el evidente progreso que significaba, de los anhelos en boga, el avance hacia modelos de organización social. Una reforma estructural de la organización social exigía modificaciones en la conciencia de los individuos para que incorporasen los nuevos proyectos. Discurso y práctica cultural buscan, de esta forma, la modificación de las ideas de los individuos para sumarlos a los proyectos y reformas que estaban en marcha.
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Discourses evoking an antibiotic apocalypse and a war on superbugs are emerging just at a time when so-called "catastrophe discourses" are undergoing critical and reflexive scrutiny in the context of global warming and climate change. This article combines insights from social science research into climate change discourses with applied metaphor research based on recent advances in cognitive linguistics, especially with relation to "discourse metaphors." It traces the emergence of a new apocalyptic discourse in microbiology and health care, examines its rhetorical and political function and discusses its advantages and disadvantages. It contains a reply by the author of the central discourse metaphor, "the post-antibiotic apocalypse," examined in the article.
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The topic of the thesis is media discourse about current state if income inequality in the US, and political ideologies as influences behind the discourse. The data consists of four opinion articles, two from CNN and two from Fox News. The purpose of the study was to examine how media represents income inequality as an issue, and if the attitudes conveyed are concerned or indifferent. Previous studies have indicated that the level of income is often seen as a personal responsibility, and such perspective can be linked with Republican ideology. In contrast, the Democrats typically express more concern about the consequences of inequality. CNN has been previously considered to have a Democratic bias, and Fox News has been considered to have Republican bias, which is one reason why these two news channels were chosen as the sources of the data. The study is a critical discourse analysis, and the methods applied were sociocognitive approach, which analyzes the social and cognitive factors affecting the discourse, and appraisal framework, which was applied to scrutinize the expressed attitudes more closely by identifyind specific linguistic features. The appraisal framework includes studying such features as affect, judgment and appreciation, which offer a more detailed analysis on the attitudes present in the articles. The sociocognitive approach, additionally, offers a way of analyzing a more broad context affecting the articles. The findings were then compared, to see if there are differences between the articles, or between the news sites with alleged bias. The findings showed that CNN, with alleged Democratic bias, had a more symphatetic attitude towards income inequality, whereas Fox News, with more Republican views, showed clearly less concern towards the issue. Moreover, the Fox News articles had such dubious claims that the underlying ideology behind the articles could be even supporting of income inequality, as it allows the rich to pursue all the wealth they can without having to give anything away. The results, thus, suggest that the political ideologies may a significant effect on media discourse, which, in turn, may have a significant effect on the attitudes of the public towards great issues that could require prompt measures.
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Dissertação de mest. em Didáctica das Línguas e Literaturas Modernas - especialização em Português, Faculdade de Ciências Humanas e Sociais, Univ. do Algarve, 2003
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Este artigo pretende apresentar os motivos por trás de algumas propostas intersubjetivistas na teoria social e na teoria da justiça. Primeiramente, tentarei desenvolver alguns temas da filosofia de Hegel no sentido de formular a tese de que se estabelece aí uma relação fundamental entre teoria social e teoria da justiça (1). Em seguida, pretendo especificar o conteúdo desta relação num argumento duplo: mostrando (a) que ela consiste, do ponto de vista da teoria social, em uma dialética entre socialização e individualização; e (b) que esta dialética se vincula ao problema da normatividade, tornando-se relevante para a teoria da justiça (2). Em terceiro lugar, desejo mostrar que a ética do discurso projetou uma ampliação filosófico-jurídica não apenas para estabilizar a tensão entre validade e facticidade, mas que também, não sendo apenas especializada em questões de justiça, assume a tarefa de pensar a vulnerabilidade daquela dialética (3). Finalmente, procuro mostrar como uma teoria da justiça fundada no conceito intersubjetivo de liberdade é capaz de preencher mais adequadamente esta lacuna, criando condições para uma crítica terapêutica da modernidade (4). ______________________________________________________________________________ ABSTRACT
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Dissertação (mestrado)—Universidade de Brasília, Faculdade de Ciências da Saúde, Programa de Pós-Graduação em Saúde Coletiva, 2016.
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Los movimientos sociales son uno de los motores del cambio social. Organizaciones como la Plataforma de Afectados por la Hipoteca (PAH) denuncian injusticias y cuestionan la construcción de significados sociales a través del discurso. Impulsan estrategias de automediación para, especialmente a través de las redes sociales, influir en la agenda mediática y el debate público. Mediante un análisis crítico del discurso cualitativo, nuestro objetivo es conocer si la PAH introduce sus temas y encuadres en la agenda mediática. Los resultados demuestran que este movimiento activista logra condicionar de qué se habla y también cómo se habla, obteniendo una cobertura favorable.
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My dissertation is the first project on the Haitian Platform for Advocacy for an Alternative Development- PAPDA, a nation-building coalition founded by activists from varying sectors to coordinate one comprehensive nationalist movement against what they are calling an Occupation. My work not only provides information on this under-theorized popular movement but also situates it within the broader literature on the postcolonial nation-state as well as Latin American and Caribbean social movements. The dissertation analyzes the contentious relationship between local and global discourses and practices of citizenship. Furthermore, the research draws on transnational feminist theory to underline the scattered hegemonies that intersect to produce varied spaces and practices of sovereignty within the Haitian postcolonial nation-state. The dissertation highlights how race and class, gender and sexuality, education and language, and religion have been imagined and co-constituted by Haitian social movements in constructing ‘new’ collective identities that collapse the private and the public, the rural and the urban, the traditional and the modern. My project complements the scholarship on social movements and the postcolonial nation-state and pushes it forward by emphasizing its spatial dimensions. Moreover, the dissertation de-centers the state to underline the movement of capital, goods, resources, and populations that shape the postcolonial experience. I re-define the postcolonial nation-state as a network of local, regional, international, and transnational arrangements between different political agents, including social movement actors. To conduct this interdisciplinary research project, I employed ethnographic methods, discourse and textual analysis, as well as basic mapping and statistical descriptions in order to present a historically-rooted interpretation of individual and organizational negotiations for community-based autonomy and regional development. ^
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This study aims to explore the construction of difference in foreign news discourse on culturally similar but politically different non-Western subjects. Applying critical discourse analysis (CDA) together with a critique of Eurocentrism, the study examines difference in newspaper constructions of government supporters and oppositional groups in Venezuela. Discursive differences are evident in the strategies used for constructing the two groups with regard to political rationality and violence. Government supporters are associated with social justice, Venezuela’s poor, dogmatic behavior, and the use of political violence. The opposition, in contrast, is constructed as following a Western democratic rationale that stresses anti-authoritarianism. This group is primarily associated with victims of violence. While the opposition is conveyed as being compatible with Eurocentric values and practices, government supporters to great extent deviate from these norms. Such constructions serve to legitimize politico-ideological undercurrents of Eurocentrism, as the defense of liberalism.