857 resultados para Security and Defence


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In a post-Cold War, post-9/11 world, the advent of US global supremacy resulted in the installation, perpetuation, and dissemination of an Absolutist Security Agenda (hereinafter, ASA). The US ASA explicitly and aggressively articulates and equates US national security interests with the security of all states in the international system, and replaced the bipolar, Cold War framework that defined international affairs from 1945-1992. Since the collapse of the USSR and the 11 September 2001 terrorist attacks, the US has unilaterally defined, implemented, and managed systemic security policy. The US ASA is indicative of a systemic category of knowledge (security) anchored in variegated conceptual and material components, such as morality, philosophy, and political rubrics. The US ASA is based on a logic that involves the following security components: (1) hyper militarization, (2) intimidation,(3) coercion, (4) criminalization, (5) panoptic surveillance, (6) plenary security measures, and (7) unabashed US interference in the domestic affairs of select states. Such interference has produced destabilizing tensions and conflicts that have, in turn, produced resistance, revolutions, proliferation, cults of personality, and militarization. This is the case because the US ASA rests on the notion that the international system of states is an extension, instrument of US power, rather than a system and/or society of states comprised of functionally sovereign entities. To analyze the US ASA, this study utilizes: (1) official government statements, legal doctrines, treaties, and policies pertaining to US foreign policy; (2) militarization rationales, budgets, and expenditures; and (3) case studies of rogue states. The data used in this study are drawn from information that is publicly available (academic journals, think-tank publications, government publications, and information provided by international organizations). The data supports the contention that global security is effectuated via a discrete set of hegemonic/imperialistic US values and interests, finding empirical expression in legal acts (USA Patriot ACT 2001) and the concept of rogue states. Rogue states, therefore, provide test cases to clarify the breadth, depth, and consequentialness of the US ASA in world affairs vis-à-vis the relationship between US security and global security.

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In a post-Cold War, post-9/11 world, the advent of US global supremacy resulted in the installation, perpetuation, and dissemination of an Absolutist Security Agenda (hereinafter, ASA). The US ASA explicitly and aggressively articulates and equates US national security interests with the security of all states in the international system, and replaced the bipolar, Cold War framework that defined international affairs from 1945-1992. Since the collapse of the USSR and the 11 September 2001 terrorist attacks, the US has unilaterally defined, implemented, and managed systemic security policy. The US ASA is indicative of a systemic category of knowledge (security) anchored in variegated conceptual and material components, such as morality, philosophy, and political rubrics. The US ASA is based on a logic that involves the following security components: 1., hyper militarization, 2., intimidation, 3., coercion, 4., criminalization, 5., panoptic surveillance, 6., plenary security measures, and 7., unabashed US interference in the domestic affairs of select states. Such interference has produced destabilizing tensions and conflicts that have, in turn, produced resistance, revolutions, proliferation, cults of personality, and militarization. This is the case because the US ASA rests on the notion that the international system of states is an extension, instrument of US power, rather than a system and/or society of states comprised of functionally sovereign entities. To analyze the US ASA, this study utilizes: 1., official government statements, legal doctrines, treaties, and policies pertaining to US foreign policy; 2., militarization rationales, budgets, and expenditures; and 3., case studies of rogue states. The data used in this study are drawn from information that is publicly available (academic journals, think-tank publications, government publications, and information provided by international organizations). The data supports the contention that global security is effectuated via a discrete set of hegemonic/imperialistic US values and interests, finding empirical expression in legal acts (USA Patriot ACT 2001) and the concept of rogue states. Rogue states, therefore, provide test cases to clarify the breadth, depth, and consequentialness of the US ASA in world affairs vis-a-vis the relationship between US security and global security.

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The postwar development of the Intelligence Services in Japan has been based on two contrasting models: the centralized model of the USA and the collegiality of UK, neither of which has been fully developed. This has led to clashes of institutional competencies and poor anticipation of threats towards national security. This problem of opposing models has been partially overcome through two dimensions: externally through the cooperation with the US Intelligence Service under the Treaty of Mutual Cooperation and Security; and internally though the pre-eminence in the national sphere of the Department of Public Safety. However, the emergence of a new global communicative dimension requires that a communicative-viewing remodeling of this dual model is necessary due to the increasing capacity of the individual actors to determine the dynamics of international events. This article examines these challenges for the Intelligence Services of Japan and proposes a reform based on this new global communicative dimension.

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Cyber-physical systems tightly integrate physical processes and information and communication technologies. As today’s critical infrastructures, e.g., the power grid or water distribution networks, are complex cyber-physical systems, ensuring their safety and security becomes of paramount importance. Traditional safety analysis methods, such as HAZOP, are ill-suited to assess these systems. Furthermore, cybersecurity vulnerabilities are often not considered critical, because their effects on the physical processes are not fully understood. In this work, we present STPA-SafeSec, a novel analysis methodology for both safety and security. Its results show the dependencies between cybersecurity vulnerabilities and system safety. Using this information, the most effective mitigation strategies to ensure safety and security of the system can be readily identified. We apply STPA-SafeSec to a use case in the power grid domain, and highlight its benefits.

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This thesis presents security issues and vulnerabilities in home and small office local area networks that can be used in cyber-attacks. There is previous research done on single vulnerabilities and attack vectors, but not many papers present full scale attack examples towards LAN. First this thesis categorizes different security threads and later in the paper methods to launch the attacks are shown by example. Offensive security and penetration testing is used as research methods in this thesis. As a result of this thesis an attack is conducted using vulnerabilities in WLAN, ARP protocol, browser as well as methods of social engineering. In the end reverse shell access is gained to the target machine. Ready-made tools are used in the attack and their inner workings are described. Prevention methods are presented towards the attacks in the end of the thesis.

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With wireless vehicular communications, Vehicular Ad Hoc Networks (VANETs) enable numerous applications to enhance traffic safety, traffic efficiency, and driving experience. However, VANETs also impose severe security and privacy challenges which need to be thoroughly investigated. In this dissertation, we enhance the security, privacy, and applications of VANETs, by 1) designing application-driven security and privacy solutions for VANETs, and 2) designing appealing VANET applications with proper security and privacy assurance. First, the security and privacy challenges of VANETs with most application significance are identified and thoroughly investigated. With both theoretical novelty and realistic considerations, these security and privacy schemes are especially appealing to VANETs. Specifically, multi-hop communications in VANETs suffer from packet dropping, packet tampering, and communication failures which have not been satisfyingly tackled in literature. Thus, a lightweight reliable and faithful data packet relaying framework (LEAPER) is proposed to ensure reliable and trustworthy multi-hop communications by enhancing the cooperation of neighboring nodes. Message verification, including both content and signature verification, generally is computation-extensive and incurs severe scalability issues to each node. The resource-aware message verification (RAMV) scheme is proposed to ensure resource-aware, secure, and application-friendly message verification in VANETs. On the other hand, to make VANETs acceptable to the privacy-sensitive users, the identity and location privacy of each node should be properly protected. To this end, a joint privacy and reputation assurance (JPRA) scheme is proposed to synergistically support privacy protection and reputation management by reconciling their inherent conflicting requirements. Besides, the privacy implications of short-time certificates are thoroughly investigated in a short-time certificates-based privacy protection (STCP2) scheme, to make privacy protection in VANETs feasible with short-time certificates. Secondly, three novel solutions, namely VANET-based ambient ad dissemination (VAAD), general-purpose automatic survey (GPAS), and VehicleView, are proposed to support the appealing value-added applications based on VANETs. These solutions all follow practical application models, and an incentive-centered architecture is proposed for each solution to balance the conflicting requirements of the involved entities. Besides, the critical security and privacy challenges of these applications are investigated and addressed with novel solutions. Thus, with proper security and privacy assurance, these solutions show great application significance and economic potentials to VANETs. Thus, by enhancing the security, privacy, and applications of VANETs, this dissertation fills the gap between the existing theoretic research and the realistic implementation of VANETs, facilitating the realistic deployment of VANETs.

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The Swedish system of social security has often been regarded as comprehensive and comprehensive and inclusive. During major reforms in the 1990s and 2000s, it has maintained its essential character as a popular and well-endowed provider of social security and stability. Employment-related benefits are generous in financial terms, but come with the need for recipients to remain actively engaged in the economic or educational field. However, Sweden’s geographical and demographic diversity made it necessary to increase the role of local authorities in implementing active labour market policies. This article tracks these developments since the mid-1990s, both with regard to changing the benefits system and with regard to changing local government involvement. It argues that backed by broad political support, the Swedish system has achieved the necessary modernisation and adaptation to remain a viable alternative to more neo-liberal welfare retrenchment projects conducted in other European countries.

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Persistent food insecurity and famines have continued to significantly shape the development policies of Ethiopia for decades. Over the decades, frequent famines caused not only the death of hundreds of thousands of victims but also significantly contributed to two revolutions that swept away the Haile Selassie and Derg regimes, as well as significantly taxing the legitimacy of the incumbent regime. As a result, agriculture and food security have become increasingly the top policy priorities for all political regimes in Ethiopia. However, the development policies of the ruling elites of Ethiopia have consistently failed to transform backward agriculture and ensure food security. The failures of the development policies of the Ethiopian governments over the years were attributed to several factors. Ethiopian authoritarian politics, centralized rule with a lack of transparency and accountability; the isolation of peasants from the development and governance process, and the lack of coherent agricultural development strategies that invest in peasant agriculture and create synergy among sectors are identified as key issues that have contributed to the persistence of food insecurity in the country. The literature on the failure of Ethiopia's political regimes to address food insecurity and famine has two major gaps that this study aims to fill. First, the cumulative and path-dependent food security and agricultural development policy environment were not adequately considered. Second, the strategy of extraversion by subsequent political regimes to use external support as a relief to prevent the famine-induced political crisis. This study used a mixed approach to collect data and present the evolution of the interplays of development policies and food security in three regimes within the context of international food security discourses. This study found out how the historical patterns of approaches of Ethiopia’s regimes to development and governance led to frequent famines and persistent food insecurity.

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Various molecular systems are available for epidemiological, genetic, evolutionary, taxonomic and systematic studies of innumerable fungal infections, especially those caused by the opportunistic pathogen C. albicans. A total of 75 independent oral isolates were selected in order to compare Multilocus Enzyme Electrophoresis (MLEE), Electrophoretic Karyotyping (EK) and Microsatellite Markers (Simple Sequence Repeats - SSRs), in their abilities to differentiate and group C. albicans isolates (discriminatory power), and also, to evaluate the concordance and similarity of the groups of strains determined by cluster analysis for each fingerprinting method. Isoenzyme typing was performed using eleven enzyme systems: Adh, Sdh, M1p, Mdh, Idh, Gdh, G6pdh, Asd, Cat, Po, and Lap (data previously published). The EK method consisted of chromosomal DNA separation by pulsed-field gel electrophoresis using a CHEF system. The microsatellite markers were investigated by PCR using three polymorphic loci: EF3, CDC3, and HIS3. Dendrograms were generated by the SAHN method and UPGMA algorithm based on similarity matrices (S(SM)). The discriminatory power of the three methods was over 95%, however a paired analysis among them showed a parity of 19.7-22.4% in the identification of strains. Weak correlation was also observed among the genetic similarity matrices (S(SM)(MLEE) x S(SM)(EK) x S(SM)(SSRs)). Clustering analyses showed a mean of 9 +/- 12.4 isolates per cluster (3.8 +/- 8 isolates/taxon) for MLEE, 6.2 +/- 4.9 isolates per cluster (4 +/- 4.5 isolates/taxon) for SSRs, and 4.1 +/- 2.3 isolates per cluster (2.6 +/- 2.3 isolates/taxon) for EK. A total of 45 (13%), 39(11.2%), 5 (1.4%) and 3 (0.9%) clusters pairs from 347 showed similarity (Si) of 0.1-10%, 10.1-20%, 20.1-30% and 30.1-40%, respectively. Clinical and molecular epidemiological correlation involving the opportunistic pathogen C. albicans may be attributed dependently of each method of genotyping (i.e., MLEE, EK, and SSRs) supplemented with similarity and grouping analysis. Therefore, the use of genotyping systems that give results which offer minimum disparity, or the combination of the results of these systems, can provide greater security and consistency in the determination of strains and their genetic relationships. (C) 2010 Elsevier B.V. All rights reserved.

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Recent research in Australian sociology and political science has debated the extent to which postmaterialist values and economic self-interest shape voting in federal elections. Some researchers have argued that postmaterialist values have partly displaced materialist concerns with physical security and economic well-being in Australian public life. This displacement, coupled with the adoption by major political parties of postmaterialist 'quality of life' issues such as the environment, has meant that voting in Australia has come to be more dependent on postmaterialist values than on perceptions of economic interest. Other research, however, has found no relationship between postmaterialist values and voting behaviour, while economic evaluations remain a strong determinant of voting behaviour. Part of the disagreement reflects methodological differences in the research. But different methodological problems compromise each of the previous studies. In this paper we use data from the 1990, 1993, 1996 and 1998 Australian Election Studies to investigate postmaterialist and economic voting in the Commonwealth House of Representatives and the Senate. Using various statistical methods, we first explore bivariate relationships between key variables and then use multivariate models of postmaterialist and economic voting to adjudicate between the contending positions.

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The relations among measures of attachment, spouse behavior, and marital satisfaction were assessed in a broad sample of 193 married couples, using both questionnaire and diary methods. Insecure attachment was associated with less favorable reports of spouse behavior, as assessed by diary checklists. Marital satisfaction was predicted by attachment treasures and reports of spouse behavior. The relation between attachment security and marital satisfaction was moderated, but not mediated, by reported spouse behavior. Specifically, insecure individuals' evaluations of their relationships were more reactive to recent spouse behavior, an effect that was especially marked for fearful participants and for those in longer-term marriages. Some gender differences in patterns of prediction were obtained. The results are discussed in terms of the working models associated with attachment styles, and the processes by which relationship satisfaction may be eroded over time.

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Everyone knows that democracy played a role in the Bush Doctrine. What not everyone knows is that this role was essential for the doctrine to be put into operation under which the Iraq invasion was prepared and launched. We argue moreover that, even if aggressive, the Bush doctrine is compatible with the American Liberal Tradition. To demonstrate these arguments we analyze the links between democracy, security, and the US national interests as expressed in the pillars of the American foreign policy since the end of Cold War. The consequential belief of the Bush Administration on the positive effect of exporting democracy by the use of force to Afghanistan and Iraq to fight terrorism will be remarked. It will be shown, however, that in the first years of the Bush Administration, among the justifications for the military interventions in the two countries, security reasons prevailed over democratic concerns, although the latter was significantly present since the early hours after September 11. It was only when it became clear that WMDs did not exist in Iraq that the exporting of democracy as the ultimate weapon to fight terrorism grew remarkably and prevailed over security reasons to invade those rogue states. The paper uses quantitative and qualitative content analysis of the speeches of President Bush and his Secretaries of State and Defense.

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Electrical activity is extremely broad and distinct, requiring by one hand, a deep knowledge on rules, regulations, materials, equipments, technical solutions and technologies and assistance in several areas, as electrical equipment, telecommunications, security and efficiency and rational use of energy, on the other hand, also requires other skills, depending on the specific projects to be implemented, being this knowledge a characteristic that belongs to the professionals with relevant experience, in terms of complexity and specific projects that were made.

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Real-time systems demand guaranteed and predictable run-time behaviour in order to ensure that no task has missed its deadline. Over the years we are witnessing an ever increasing demand for functionality enhancements in the embedded real-time systems. Along with the functionalities, the design itself grows more complex. Posed constraints, such as energy consumption, time, and space bounds, also require attention and proper handling. Additionally, efficient scheduling algorithms, as proven through analyses and simulations, often impose requirements that have significant run-time cost, specially in the context of multi-core systems. In order to further investigate the behaviour of such systems to quantify and compare these overheads involved, we have developed the SPARTS, a simulator of a generic embedded real- time device. The tasks in the simulator are described by externally visible parameters (e.g. minimum inter-arrival, sporadicity, WCET, BCET, etc.), rather than the code of the tasks. While our current implementation is primarily focused on our immediate needs in the area of power-aware scheduling, it is designed to be extensible to accommodate different task properties, scheduling algorithms and/or hardware models for the application in wide variety of simulations. The source code of the SPARTS is available for download at [1].