939 resultados para Rights-of-Way.


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The President of Brazil established an Interministerial Work Group in order to “evaluate the model of classification and valuation of disabilities used in Brazil and to define the elaboration and adoption of a unique model for all the country”. Eight Ministries and/or Secretaries participated in the discussion over a period of 10 months, concluding that a proposed model should be based on the United Nations Convention on the Rights of Person with Disabilities, the International Classification of Functioning, Disability and Health, and the ‘support theory’, and organizing a list of recommendations and necessary actions for a Classification, Evaluation and Certification Network with national coverage.

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Biobanken sind Sammlungen von Körpersubstanzen, die mit umfangreichen gesundheits- und lebensstilbezogenen sowie geneologischen Daten ihrer Spender verknüpft sind. Sie dienen der Erforschung weit verbreiteter Krankheiten. Diese sog. Volkskrankheiten sind multifaktoriell bedingte Krankheiten. Dies bedeutet, dass diese Krankheiten das Ergebnis eines komplizierten Zusammenspiels von umwelt- und verhaltensrelevanten Faktoren mit individuellen genetischen Prädispositionen sind. Forschungen im Bereich von Pharmakogenomik und Pharmakogenetik untersuchen den Einfluss von Genen und Genexpressionen auf die individuelle Wirksamkeit von Medikamenten sowie auf die Entstehung ungewollter Nebenwirkungen und könnten so den Weg zu einer individualisierten Medizin ebnen. Menschliches Material ist ein wichtiger Bestandteil dieser Forschungen und die Nachfrage nach Sammlungen, die Proben mit Daten verknüpfen, steigt. Einerseits sehen Mediziner in Biobanken eine Chance für die Weiterentwicklung der medizinischen Forschung und des Gesundheitswesens. Andererseits lösen Biobanken auch Ängste und Misstrauen aus. Insbesondere wird befürchtet, dass Proben und Daten unkontrolliert verwendet werden und sensible Bereiche des Persönlichkeitsrechts und der persönlichen Identität betroffen sind. Diese Gefahren und Befürchtungen sind nicht neu, sondern bestanden schon in der Vergangenheit bei jeglicher Form der Spende von Körpersubstanzen. Neu ist aber der Umfang an Informationen, der durch die Genanalyse entsteht und den Spender in ganz besonderer Weise betreffen kann. Bei der Speicherung und Nutzung der medizinischen und genetischen Daten ergibt sich somit ein Spannungsfeld insbesondere zwischen dem Recht der betroffenen Datenspender auf informationelle Selbstbestimmung und den Forschungsinteressen der Datennutzer. Im Kern dreht sich die ethisch-rechtliche Bewertung der Biobanken um die Frage, ob diese Forschung zusätzliche Regeln braucht, und falls ja, wie umfassend diese sein müssten. Im Zentrum dieser Diskussion stehen dabei v.a. ethische Fragen im Zusammenhang mit der informierten Einwilligung, dem Datenschutz, der Wiederverwendung von Proben und Daten, der Information der Spender über Forschungsergebnisse und der Nutzungsrechte an den Daten. Ziel dieser Arbeit ist es, vor dem Hintergrund des Verfassungsrechts, insbesondere dem Recht auf informationelle Selbstbestimmung, das Datenschutzrecht im Hinblick auf die Risiken zu untersuchen, die sich aus der Speicherung, Verarbeitung und Kommunikation von persönlichen genetischen Informationen beim Aufbau von Biobanken ergeben. Daraus ergibt sich die weitere Untersuchung, ob und unter welchen Voraussetzungen die sich entgegenstehenden Interessen und Rechte aus verfassungsrechtlichem Blickwinkel in Einklang zu bringen sind. Eine wesentliche Frage lautet, ob die bisherigen rechtlichen Rahmenbedingungen ausreichen, um den Schutz der gespeicherten höchstpersönlichen Daten und zugleich ihre angemessene Nutzung zu gewährleisten. Das Thema ist interdisziplinär im Schnittfeld von Datenschutz, Verfassungsrecht sowie Rechts- und Medizinethik angelegt. Aus dem Inhalt: Naturwissenschaftliche und empirische Grundlagen von Biobanken – Überblick über Biobankprojekte in Europa und im außereuropäischen Ausland – Rechtsgrundlagen für Biobanken - Recht auf informationelle Selbstbestimmung - Recht auf Nichtwissen - Forschungsfreiheit - Qualitätssicherung und Verfahren – informierte Einwilligung – globale Einwilligung - Datenschutzkonzepte - Forschungsgeheimnis –– Biobankgeheimnis - Biobankgesetz

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This article examines religious practices in the United States, which govern modesty and other dress norms for men. I focus both on the spaces within which they most collide with regulatory regimes of the state and the legal implications of these norms, particularly for observant Muslim men. Undergirding the research are those ‘‘gender equality’’ claims made by many religious adherents, that men are required to maintain proper modesty norms just as are women. Also undergirding the research is the extensive anti-Islam bias in American culture today. The spaces within which men’s religiously proscribed dress and grooming norms are most at issue—indicated by First Amendment legal challenges to rights of religious practice—are primarily those state-controlled, total institutions Goffman describes, such as in the military and prisons. The implications of gendered modesty norms are important, as state control over religious expression in prisons, for example, is much more difficult to contest than in other spaces, although this depends entirely on who is doing the contesting and within which religious context. In American society today—and particularly within the context of growing Islamaphobia following the 9/11 attacks—the implications are greatest for those men practicing ‘‘prison Islam.’’

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The question of how far pre-revolutionary Russia was from the ideal of a lawful state has received little academic attention, particularly as relates to the legal regulation of relations between person, society and state within the state administration. Pravilova explored the methods of settling disputes between individuals and the administration, and the emergence of legal controls of the administration, analysed projects for the organisation of administrative justice and studied the particular nature of concepts from Russian administrative justice. The idea of an organisation of special bodies examining complaints by private persons against the actions of officials and state bureaucratic organs first appeared in the early 1860s. In the 1870s-1890s various projects for the reform of administrative justice (reorganisation of the Senate and local administrative institutions) were proposed by the Ministries of Justice and Finance, but none of these was put into practice, largely due to resistance from the bureaucracy. At the same time, however, the rapid development of private enterprise, the activities of the zemstvo and self-government produced new norms and mechanisms for the regulation of authorities and social relations. Despite the lack of institutional conditions, the Senate did consider complaints from private persons against illegal actions by administrative officials, playing a role similar to that of the supreme administrative courts in France and Germany. The spread of concepts of a 'lawful state' aroused support for a system of administrative justice and the establishment of administrative tribunals was seen as a condition of legality and a guarantee of human rights. The government was forced to understand that measures to maintain legality were vital to preserve the stability of the system of state power, but plans for liberal reforms were pushed into the background by constitutional reforms. The idea of guarantees of human rights in relations with the authorities was in contradiction with the idea of the monarchy and it was only when the Provisional Government took power in 1917 that the liberal programme of legal reforms had any chance of being put into practice. A law passed in June 1917 ordained the organisation of local administrative justice bodies, but its implementation was hampered by the war, the shortage of qualified judges and the existing absolute legal illiteracy, and the few administrative courts that were set up were soon abolished by the new Soviet authorities. Pravilova concluded that the establishment of a lawful state in pre-revolutionary Russia was prevented by a number of factors, particularly the autocratic nature of the supreme authority, which was incompatible with the idea of administrative justice as a guarantee of the rights of citizens in their relations with the state.

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The Michigan Department of Transportation is evaluating upgrading their portion of the Wolverine Line between Chicago and Detroit to accommodate high speed rail. This will entail upgrading the track to allow trains to run at speeds in excess of 110 miles per hour (mph). An important component of this upgrade will be to assess the requirement for ballast material for high speed rail. In the event that the existing ballast materials do not meet specifications for higher speed train, additional ballast will be required. The purpose of this study, therefore, is to investigate the current MDOT railroad ballast quality specifications and compare them to both the national and international specifications for use on high speed rail lines. The study found that while MDOT has quality specifications for railroad ballast it does not have any for high speed rail. In addition, the American Railway Engineering and Maintenance-of-Way Association (AREMA), while also having specifications for railroad ballast, does not have specific specifications for high speed rail lines. The AREMA aggregate specifications for ballast include the following tests: (1) LA Abrasion, (2) Percent Moisture Absorption, (3) Flat and Elongated Particles, (4) Sulfate Soundness test. Internationally, some countries do require a highly standard for high speed rail such as the Los Angeles (LA) Abrasion test, which is uses a higher standard performance and the Micro Duval test, which is used to determine the maximum speed that a high speed can operate at. Since there are no existing MDOT ballast specification for high speed rail, it is assumed that aggregate ballast specifications for the Wolverine Line will use the higher international specifications. The Wolverine line, however, is located in southern Michigan is a region of sedimentary rocks which generally do not meet the existing MDOT ballast specifications. The investigation found that there were only 12 quarries in the Michigan that meet the MDOT specification. Of these 12 quarries, six were igneous or metamorphic rock quarries, while six were carbonate quarries. Of the six carbonate quarries four were locate in the Lower Peninsula and two in the Upper Peninsula. Two of the carbonate quarries were located in near proximity to the Wolverine Line, while the remaining quarries were at a significant haulage distance. In either case, the cost of haulage becomes an important consideration. In this regard, four of the quarries were located with lake terminals allowing water transportation to down state ports. The Upper Peninsula also has a significant amount of metal based mining in both igneous and metamorphic rock that generate significant amount of waste rock that could be used as a ballast material. The main drawback, however, is the distance to the Wolverine rail line. One potential source is the Cliffs Natural Resources that operates two large surface mines in the Marquette area with rail and water transportation to both Lake Superior and Lake Michigan. Both mines mine rock with a very high compressive strength far in excess of most ballast materials used in the United States and would make an excellent ballast materials. Discussions with Cliffs, however, indicated that due to environmental concerns that they would most likely not be interested in producing a ballast material. In the United States carbonate aggregates, while used for ballast, many times don't meet the ballast specifications in addition to the problem of particle degradation that can lead to fouling and cementation issues. Thus, many carbonate aggregate quarries in close proximity to railroads are not used. Since Michigan has a significant amount of carbonate quarries, the research also investigated using the dynamic properties of aggregate as a possible additional test for aggregate ballast quality. The dynamic strength of a material can be assessed using a split Hopkinson Pressure Bar (SHPB). The SHPB has been traditionally used to assess the dynamic properties of metal but over the past 20 years it is now being used to assess the dynamic properties of brittle materials such as ceramics and rock. In addition, the wear properties of metals have been related to their dynamic properties. Wear or breakdown of railroad ballast materials is one of the main problems with ballast material due to the dynamic loading generated by trains and which will be significantly higher for high speed rails. Previous research has indicated that the Port Inland quarry along Lake Michigan in the Southern Upper Peninsula has significant dynamic properties that might make it potentially useable as an aggregate for high speed rail. The dynamic strength testing conducted in this research indicate that the Port Inland limestone in fact has a dynamic strength close to igneous rocks and much higher than other carbonate rocks in the Great Lakes region. It is recommended that further research be conducted to investigate the Port Inland limestone as a high speed ballast material.

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In what follows, I explore why the question of ‘access for all’ is both important and difficult. Beginning by treating it as a contested claim, I will consider some of its political, institutional and professional implications. What do I mean by saying that access for all is a contested claim? First of all, it is a claim – a demand that access for all needs to be created. It is a claim about change. To demand ‘access for all’ is to speak about, and speak against, social conditions that are unjust, unequal or excluding. At its simplest, then, to claim ‘access for all’ is to address social arrangements in which all people do not have access. Secondly, it is a claim made by – or on behalf of – specific social groups against their experience of exclusion, marginalization or subordination. I have added these other terms because I think that ‘exclusion’ is too simple, and too problematic, a term to capture all the aspects of unjust social arrangements that produce claims for ‘access’.1 Access is a demand to be treated equitably in relation to a range of valued social resources, conditions and relationships. It is a claim to be a member: of the society, the polity or the nation. It is a claim to be a citizen: to possess rights and the capacity to make legitimate demands on the state. It is a claim on the apparatuses and agencies that sustain social citizenship: citizenship brings with it access to benefits, services and rights of ‘fair dealing’ or ‘fair treatment’. As this last point suggests, it is a claim about equality: the expectation that all citizens will be dealt with by public agencies in ways that are not discriminatory or oppressive.

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The report examines the relationship between day care institutions, schools and so called “parents unfamiliar to education” as well as the relationship between the institutions. With in Danish public and professional discourse concepts like parents unfamiliar to education are usually referring to environments, parents or families with either no or just very restricted experience of education except for the basic school (folkeskole). The “grand old man” of Danish educational research, Prof. Em. Erik Jørgen Hansen, defines the concept as follows: Parents who are distant from or not familiar with education, are parents without tradition of education and by that fact they are not able to contribute constructively in order to back up their own children during their education. Many teachers and pedagogues are not used to that term; they rather prefer concepts like “socially exposed” or “socially disadvantaged” parents or social classes or strata. The report does not only focus on parents who are not capable to support the school achievements of their children, since a low level of education is usually connected with social disadvantage. Such parents are often not capable of understanding and meeting the demands from side of the school when sending their children to school. They lack the competencies or the necessary competence of action. For the moment being much attention is done from side of the Ministries of Education and Social Affairs (recently renamed Ministry of Welfare) in order to create equal possibilities for all children. Many kinds of expertise (directions, counsels, researchers, etc.) have been more than eager to promote recommendations aiming at achieving the ambitious goal: 2015 95% of all young people should complement a full education (classes 10.-12.). Research results are pointing out the importance of increased participation of parents. In other word the agenda is set for ‘parents’ education’. It seems necessary to underline that Danish welfare policy has been changing rather radical. The classic model was an understanding of welfare as social assurance and/or as social distribution – based on social solidarity. The modern model looks like welfare as social service and/or social investment. This means that citizens are changing role – from user and/or citizen to consumer and/or investor. The Danish state is in correspondence with decisions taken by the government investing in a national future shaped by global competition. The new models of welfare – “service” and “investment” – imply severe changes in hitherto known concepts of family life, relationship between parents and children etc. As an example the investment model points at a new implementation of the relationship between social rights and the rights of freedom. The service model has demonstrated that weakness that the access to qualified services in the field of health or education is becoming more and more dependent of the private purchasing power. The weakness of the investment model is that it represents a sort of “The Winner takes it all” – since a political majority is enabled to make agendas in societal fields former protected by the tripartite power and the rights of freedom of the citizens. The outcome of the Danish development seems to be an establishment of a political governed public service industry which on one side are capable of competing on market conditions and on the other are able being governed by contracts. This represents a new form of close linking of politics, economy and professional work. Attempts of controlling education, pedagogy and thereby the population are not a recent invention. In European history we could easily point at several such experiments. The real news is the linking between political priorities and exercise of public activities by economic incentives. By defining visible goals for the public servants, by introducing measurement of achievements and effects, and by implementing a new wage policy depending on achievements and/or effects a new system of accountability is manufactured. The consequences are already perceptible. The government decides to do some special interventions concerning parents, children or youngsters, the public servants on municipality level are instructed to carry out their services by following a manual, and the parents are no longer protected by privacy. Protection of privacy and minority is no longer a valuable argumentation to prevent further interventions in people’s life (health, food, school, etc.). The citizens are becoming objects of investment, also implying that people are investing in their own health, education, and family. This means that investments in changes of life style and development of competences go hand in hand. The below mentioned programmes are conditioned by this shift.

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Recent research shows that well-educated citizens are more supportive of minority rights in direct democratic votes than people with less education. This article however suggests that educational effects on minority rights only emerge under certain conditions. A Bayesian multilevel analysis of 39 referendums and initiatives on minority rights in Switzerland (1981–2009) shows that educational effects are particularly strong when the rights of lesser-known cultural minorities are to be extended. They are entirely absent, however, when referenda address the curtailment of rights for well-known minority groups.

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Immigration and the resulting increasing ethnic diversity have become an important characteristic of advanced industrialised countries. At the same time, the majority of the countries in question are confronted with structural transformation such as deindustrialisation and changes in family structures as well as economic downturn, which limit the capacities of nation-states in addressing rising inequality and supporting those individuals at the margins of the society. This paper addresses both issues, immigration and inequality, by focusing on immigrants’ socio-economic incorporation into the receiving societies of advanced industrialised countries. The aim of this paper is to explain cross-national variation in immigrants’ poverty risks. Drawing on the political economy as well as the migration literature, the paper develops a theoretical framework that considers how the impact of the national labour market and welfare system on immigrants’ poverty risks is moderated by the integration policies, which regulate immigrants’ access to the labour market and social programs (or immigrants’ economic and social rights). The empirical analysis draws on income surveys as well as a newly collected data set on economic and social rights of immigrants in 19 advanced industrialised countries, including European countries as well as Australia, and North America, for the year 2007. As the results from multilevel analysis show, integration policies concerning immigrants’ access to the labour market and social programs can partly explain cross-national variations in immigrants’ poverty risks. In line with the hypothesis, stricter labour market regulations such as minimum wage setting reduce immigrants’ poverty risks stronger in countries where they are granted easier access to the labour market. However, concerning the impact of more generous social programs the reductive poverty effect is stronger in countries with less inclusive access of immigrants to social programs. The paper concludes by discussing possible explanations for this puzzling finding.

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Although it is axiomatic that property rights of infinite duration are necessary for owners to make efficient long term investments in their property, time limits on property rights are pervasive in the law. This paper provides an economic justification for such limits by arguing that they actually enhance property values in the presence of various sorts of market failure. The analysis offers a coherent approach for understanding what otherwise appear to be unrelated doctrines in the law.

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This paper focuses on the link between economic rights and institutions. Simple analysis of data is used to demonstrate countries' human development effort in advancing economics rights of the citizens. A country's human development effort is evaluated on the basis of the well-being of the poorest members of the society. An analysis of data reveals that there is a wide variation in countries' pro-poor stance. While it is accepted that positive rights are pro-poor, this paper argues that so too are negative economic rights and in fact the two are complements rather than substitutes. Classifying countries into human development income deficit and human development effort deficit, it is demonstrated that a large number of countries could achieve higher welfare levels for the poor if they improved on bother positive and negative economic rights. The paper attempts to explain variations in the observed commitment to economic rights by focusing on pro-poor institutions. The basic thesis advanced in the paper is that pro-poor policies are more likely to be implemented and sustained in those institutions where power is sufficiently diffused such that even the poor have leverage over policy outcomes. The paper focuses on how institutions impact on power diffusion and therefore the adoption of pro-poor growth and policies. The failure of countries to adopt pro-poor growth and policies is attributed to institutional failures manifested in concentration of power. The policy recommendations emanating from the analysis focus on institutional reforms to enhance power diffusion. These policies include enlarging the political space through democratization, strengthening institutions and capacity to fight corruption and improve transparency, and bringing the government closer to the people through appropriate design and implementation of decentralization schemes. Some recent examples of improvements in economic rights following power diffusion are provided.

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The findings of this study suggest that while child welfare workers are consistently distracted by competing priorities from unexpected events, most are committed, and to understand perspectives is more inclusive and may improve retention rates. Notably, while it is recognized that permanency decisions are not made in an intellectual, legal or clinical vacuum and certain traditional aspects of the bureaucratic structure do not impact decision making, this study advances the body of knowledge on child welfare decision making. Examined in this study are child welfare case workers’ perceptions of the extent to which the organizational environment influences the permanency decisions they make to reunify or terminate parental rights of children placed out-of-home. This study includes a sample of 95 child welfare social workers employed in three public child welfare agencies in the Baltimore and Washington, DC metropolitan area. It used a cross-sectional research design, employing a survey instrument to examine bureaucratic distraction, role conflict, and supervisory adequacy as contextual factors in the organizational environment's influence on permanency outcome decisions. Implications are made for child welfare policy, practice, and research.

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Los cambios que el pensamiento feminista ha producido en nuestra personalidad como sociedad, en nuestra manera de conducirnos y expresarnos, invitan a trabajar sobre ellos en profundidad. En estas líneas se analizan algunos trabajos de artistas feministas y 'post-feministas', relacionándolos con la tradición de representación del cuerpo humano en la historia del arte. La denominación objeto sexual no es un calificativo que se aplique hoy únicamente al sexo femenino. Imágenes femeninas y masculinas son utilizadas por la sociedad de consumo para vender sus productos como reclamo. Las particulares formas de entender y presentar el cuerpo humano como desperdicio, consumible o despojo, no son tampoco patrimonio de un solo sexo. Desde la perspectiva de la representación del cuerpo humano se deben analizar las nuevas estrategias nacidas a partir del compromiso de respeto hacia los derechos sociales de las mujeres

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Los cambios que el pensamiento feminista ha producido en nuestra personalidad como sociedad, en nuestra manera de conducirnos y expresarnos, invitan a trabajar sobre ellos en profundidad. En estas líneas se analizan algunos trabajos de artistas feministas y 'post-feministas', relacionándolos con la tradición de representación del cuerpo humano en la historia del arte. La denominación objeto sexual no es un calificativo que se aplique hoy únicamente al sexo femenino. Imágenes femeninas y masculinas son utilizadas por la sociedad de consumo para vender sus productos como reclamo. Las particulares formas de entender y presentar el cuerpo humano como desperdicio, consumible o despojo, no son tampoco patrimonio de un solo sexo. Desde la perspectiva de la representación del cuerpo humano se deben analizar las nuevas estrategias nacidas a partir del compromiso de respeto hacia los derechos sociales de las mujeres

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Los cambios que el pensamiento feminista ha producido en nuestra personalidad como sociedad, en nuestra manera de conducirnos y expresarnos, invitan a trabajar sobre ellos en profundidad. En estas líneas se analizan algunos trabajos de artistas feministas y 'post-feministas', relacionándolos con la tradición de representación del cuerpo humano en la historia del arte. La denominación objeto sexual no es un calificativo que se aplique hoy únicamente al sexo femenino. Imágenes femeninas y masculinas son utilizadas por la sociedad de consumo para vender sus productos como reclamo. Las particulares formas de entender y presentar el cuerpo humano como desperdicio, consumible o despojo, no son tampoco patrimonio de un solo sexo. Desde la perspectiva de la representación del cuerpo humano se deben analizar las nuevas estrategias nacidas a partir del compromiso de respeto hacia los derechos sociales de las mujeres