996 resultados para Regime de Transparência Fiscal


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En el presente trabajo se lleva a cabo una descripción general del régimen de responsabilidad de los administradores societarios en el Derecho tributario español. Desde la delimitación del concepto general de responsabilidad tributaria y de las posiciones jurídicas subjetivas de responsabilidad -solidaria y subsidiaria- contempladas en la Ley General Tributaria se abordan los supuestos específicamente referidos a los administradores para terminar con una exposición de tres procedimientos de derivación de responsabilidad que pueden, también, terminar afectando a quienes participan del gobierno de entidades societarias.

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This paper studies discretionary non-cooperative monetary and fiscal policy stabilization in a New Keynesian model, where the fiscal policymaker uses a distortionary taxe as the policy instrument and operates with long periods between optimal time-consistent adjustments of the instrument. We demonstrate that longer fiscal cycles result in stronger complementarities between the optimal actions of the monetary and fiscal policymakers. When the fiscal cycle is not very long, the complementarities lead to expectation traps. However, with a sufficiently long fiscal cycle — one year in our model — no learnable time-consistent equilibrium exists. Constraining the fiscal policymaker in its actions may help to avoid these adverse effects.

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We study a business cycle model in which a benevolent fiscal authority must determine the optimal provision of government services, while lacking credibility, lump-sum taxes, and the ability to bond finance deficits. Households and the fiscal authority have risk sensitive preferences. We find that outcomes are affected importantly by the household's risk sensitivity, but not by the fiscal authority's. Further, while household risk-sensitivity induces a strong precautionary saving motive, which raises capital and lowers the return on assets, its effects on fluctuations and the business cycle are generally small, although more pronounced for negative shocks. Holding the stochastic steady state constant, increases in household risk-sensitivity lower the risk-free rate and raise the return on equity, increasing the equity premium. Finally, although risk-sensitivity has little effect on the provision of government services, it does cause the fiscal authority to lower the income tax rate. An additional contribution of this paper is to present a method for computing Markov-perfect equilibria in models where private agents and the government are risk-sensitive decisionmakers.

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This paper evaluates the effects of policy interventions on sectoral labour markets and the aggregate economy in a business cycle model with search and matching frictions. We extend the canonical model by including capital-skill complementarity in production, labour markets with skilled and unskilled workers and on-the-job-learning (OJL) within and across skill types. We first find that, the model does a good job at matching the cyclical properties of sectoral employment and the wage-skill premium. We next find that vacancy subsidies for skilled and unskilled jobs lead to output multipliers which are greater than unity with OJL and less than unity without OJL. In contrast, the positive output effects from cutting skilled and unskilled income taxes are close to zero. Finally, we find that the sectoral and aggregate effects of vacancy subsidies do not depend on whether they are financed via public debt or distorting taxes.

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The article investigates the private governance of financial markets by looking at the evolution of the regulatory debate on hedge funds in the US market. It starts from the premise that the privatization of regulation is always the result of a political decision and analyzes how this decision came about and was implemented in the case of hedge funds. The starting point is the failure of two initiatives on hedge funds that US regulators launched between 1999 an 2004, which the analysis explains by elaborating the concept of self-capture. Facing a trade off between the need to tackle publicly demonized issues and the difficulty of monitoring increasingly sophisticated and powerful private markets, regulators purposefully designed initiatives that were not meant to succeed, that is, they “self-captured” their own activity. By formulating initiatives that were inherently flawed, regulators saved their public role and at the same time paved the way for the privatization of hedge fund regulation. This explanation identifies a link between the failure of public initiatives and the success of private ones. It illustrates a specific case of formation of private authority in financial markets that points to a more general practice emerging in the regulation of finance.

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This paper explores the impact of citizens' motivation to vote on the pattern of fiscal federalism. If the only concern of instrumental citizens was outcome they would have little incentive to vote because the probability that a single vote might change an electoral outcome is usually minuscule. If voters turn out in large numbers to derive intrinsic value from action, how will these voters choose when considering the role local jurisdictions should play? The first section of the paper assesses the weight that expressive voters attach to an instrumental evaluation of alternative outcomes. Predictions are tested with reference to case study analysis of the way Swiss voters assessed the role their local jurisdiction should play. The relevance of this analysis is also assessed with reference to the choice that voters express when considering other local issues. Textbook analysis of fiscal federalism is premised on the assumption that voters register choice just as 'consumers' reveal demand for services in a market, but how robust is this analogy.

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El Dret Financer-Tributari d’un estat membre es doblega a les directrius i als objectius d’harmonització contemplats al bloc normatiu comunitari de la Unió Europea. La incidència i l’impacte del Dret Comunitari sobre la sobirania fiscal dels seus integrants és evident, sotmetent i delimitant determinantment les mesures fiscals a finalitats extrafiscals. Un clar exemple d’aquest fenomen el constitueix la qualificació del règim espanyol d’amortització fiscal del Fons de Comerç Financer Internacional (previst a l’article 12.5 del TRLIS) com ajut d’Estat per part de la Comissió Europea. L’anàlisi jurídic que aborda aquest treball sobre l’evolució i Decisió final d’aquest expedient d’ajut d’Estat en particular, permet concloure que, l’existència, d’una banda, d’una concepció genèrica i indeterminada de la institució d’ ajut d’Estat i, de l’altre, d’un soft law comunitari que dóna contingut a l’esmentada institució i que ha estat evacuat per el propi organisme encarregat de decidir sobre aquests expedients (la Comissió Europea), esbossen un instrument discrecional d’harmonització fiscal negativa en seu de la imposició directa al marc de la Unió Europea. En efecte, la presència de la regla d’unanimitat en la presa de decisions en matèria tributaria des de els organismes comunitaris i l’absència d’una norma d’harmonització comunitària en seu d’imposició directa, propicien una notable inseguretat jurídica a l’hora de dissenyar beneficis fiscals per part dels legisladors d’un Estat. Mesures fiscals, que en cas de ser qualificades contràries a l’ordenament comunitari per part de la Comissió Europea, com al cas que ens ocuparà aquí, despleguen conseqüències especialment greus per als operadors econòmics que s’han beneficiat d’aquesta i que distorsionen la seva voluntat a la presa de decisions a posteriori i amb efectes retroactius. És necessari als efectes de dotar una major seguretat jurídica al sistema comunitari d’imposició directa, la substitució de la regla d’unanimitat per la de majories simples o qualificades, la voluntat de cedir parcel•les de sobirania fiscal per part dels Estats membre i Reglaments, per tal d’evitar d’arrel el fenomen de la desharmonització en aquest àmbit, així com l’ús abusiu d’instruments arbitraris d’harmonització fiscal negativa.

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This research primarily analyses relevant climate bargaining dynamics that have been informed by a North-South impasse. This working paper argues that the first stage of negotiations for a climate convention indeed witnessed a North-South divide which became institutionalized in the Framework Convention on Climate Change. However, in subsequent negotiation rounds the key loci of bargaining struggles was centered between developed countries, in which relevant North-South cooperation dynamics were also present. Finally, this paper assesses the unfinished post-Kyoto bargaining process in which two trends are already being observed: both the emergence of a new geopolitics between the United States and major developing countries, and a fragmentation process within the South, in which the Copenhagen Accord itself has begun to institutionalize such fragmentation.

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This paper analyses the impact of different instruments of fiscal policy on economic growth as well as on income inequality, using an unbalanced panel of 43 upper-middle and high income countries for the period 1972-2006. We consider and estimate two individual equations explaining growth and inequality in order to assess the incidence of different fiscal policies. Firstly, our approach considers imposing orthogonal assumptions between growth and inequality in both equations, and secondly, it allows growth to be included in the inequality equation, and inequality to be included in the growth equation. The empirical results suggest that an increase in the size of government measured through current expenditures and direct taxes diminishes economic growth while reducing inequality, being public investment the only fiscal policy that may break this trade-off between efficiency and equity, since increases in this item reduces inequality without harming output. Therefore, the results reflect that the trade-off between efficiency and equity that governments often confront when designing their fiscal policies may be avoided.

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We study the effects of government spending by using a structural, large dimensional, dynamic factor model. We find that the government spending shock is non-fundamental for the variables commonly used in the structural VAR literature, so that its impulse response functions cannot be consistently estimated by means of a VAR. Government spending raises both consumption and investment, with no evidence of crowding out. The impact multiplier is 1.7 and the long run multiplier is 0.6.

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This paper investigates the effects of fiscal policy on the trade balance using a structural factor model. A fiscal policy shock worsens the trade balance and produces an appreciation of the domestic currency but the effects are quantitatively small. The findings match the theoretical predictions of the standard Mundell-Fleming model, although fiscal policy should not be considered one of the main causes of the large US external deficit. My conclusions differ from those reached using VAR models since the fiscal shock, possibly due to fiscal foresight, is nonfundamental for the variables typically used in open economy VARs.

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Análisis del origen, evolución y perspectivas del modelo de financiación autonómica español, de corte federal, en el marco de la crisis del Estado