453 resultados para Quotas d’émission


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Fundação de Amparo à Pesquisa do Estado de São Paulo (FAPESP)

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Pós-graduação em Psicologia do Desenvolvimento e Aprendizagem - FC

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This article investigates the productivity and production function of thirteen large Brazilian textile and clothing companies before and after the end of the Agreement on Textiles and Clothing (AVT) that abolished import quotas in 2005. For this purpose, we estimate the stochastic production frontier in panel data between 1997 and 2008 and simultaneously an explanatory equation for the (in)efficiency of firms, as proposed by Battese and Coelli (1995). The results indicated that more efficient firms are the oldest. The total factor productivity of firms tended to fall, even after the end of quotas, increasing productivity only from 2007. Overall, firms from Santa Catarina were more efficient than those of other states.

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Based on the precepts of social inclusion, this research objected to examine the employment of people with disability(PWD), according to decree nº 3.298 which establishes hiring quotas for PWD in companies with 100 or moreemployees. Interviews were made with employees of HR departments in 12 different companies located in the westside of the state of São Paulo, based on a structured script. All the interviews were transcripted and gathered inanalysis categories. The results showed that one third of private companies comply with the regulation foremployment of PWD. Corporate policies prioritize hiring of people whose disabilities do not demand structuralmodifications in the work environment, or those whose disabilities represent a positive aspect for production lines.The majority of the interviewed understand disabilities as an individual phenomenon. Although they have talkedabout equal rights for everyone, the majority of them do not present a consistent speech based on the precepts ofsocial inclusion, for they fail to promote actions for supporting the population with disabilities and expecting thatthose with disabilities are the ones responsible to adjust themselves to all imposed conditions.

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The communication in public institutions has mediating character to strengthen the commitment to the citizens and creating channels aimed at high-quality information and transparency. This article deals with public communication, marked by public relations actions in the context of the federal public university through the project called “UFABC in Schools”, Federal University of ABC . The project objectives are to promote the policy of quotas established by the Federal Government and strengthen the relationship with high school students from public schools located in the ABC Paulista region.

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Pós-graduação em Geografia - IGCE

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Pós-graduação em Geografia - IGCE

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The concept of metacontingency was taught to undergraduate students of Psychology by using a "game" simulation proposed originally by Vichi, Andery and Glenn (2009). Twenty-five students, distributed into three groups were exposed to six experimental sessions in which they had to make bets and divide the amounts gained. The three groups competed against each other for photocopies quotas. Two contingencies shifted over the sessions. Under Contingency B, the group would win points only if in the previous round each member had received the same amount of points and under Contingency A, winning was contingent on an unequal distribution of the points. We observed that proportional divisions predominated independent of the contingency in course. The manipulation of cultural consequences (winning or losing points) produced consistent modifications in two response categories: 1) choices of the value bet in each round, and 2) divisions of the points among group members. Controlling relations between cultural consequences and the behavior of dividing were statistically significant in one of the groups, whereas in the other two groups controlling relations were observed only in Contingency B. A review of the reinforcement criteria used in the original experiment is suggested.

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Este artigo foca no debate sobre representação política, representação especial de grupos e política de cotas com o objetivo de destacar os seus argumentos principais e mais controversos, explorando suas inconsistências, problematizando-os e estabelecendo um diálogo entre eles. Será considerado até que ponto o argumento por maior inclusão de membros de grupos sociais não hegemônicos em processos político-decisórios, através de mecanismos como as cotas, pode ser justificado desde uma perspectiva normativa. Dado o caráter polêmico do conceito de representação política e da noção de identidades e interesses de grupos, em que se justificaria essa demanda? Esta discussão será conduzida a partir de uma análise sobre o conceito de representação política, da noção de interesses, identidades e perspectivas de grupos, e de uma análise sobre os principais argumentos apresentados a favor das cotas e contra elas. O artigo foca na representação política das mulheres, estabelecendo assim um diálogo permanente com e entre perspectivas feministas.

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O presente estudo objetiva traçar um panorama atual sobre a responsabilidade subsidiária dos sócios nas hipóteses em que, em fase de execução no processo do trabalho, os bens da pessoa jurídica sejam insuficientes para satisfação dos créditos. A matéria propriamente dita nada tem de nova, remontando aos primeiros decretos que regulamentavam as sociedades por quotas de responsabilidade limitada, passando pelo Código Civil de 1916 e de 2002. Todavia, o estudo procurará demonstrar que, aos poucos, foi sendo abandonada a exigência de comprovação dos amplos poderes de mando e gestão do sócio, ou seu exercício abusivo, assim como foi aumentando simultaneamente a preocupação com a figura dos ex-sócios, objeto de investigação especial no presente trabalho. O artigo sustentará a tese de que essa maior liberdade na interpretação da responsabilidade de sócios e ex-sócios se deve, sobretudo, (a) à promiscuidade patrimonial verificada entre pessoas jurídicas e pessoas naturais, na sociedade brasileira, (b) às altíssimas taxas de encerramento das pessoas jurídicas logo no primeiro ou no segundo ano de existência e (c) à elevada rotatividade de sócios nos estatutos da empresa.

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An important issue in both Canadian and United States immigration history has been the control of immigration, which includes possible quotas, immigration laws as well as denying entry, and finally, the deportation of immigrants. This paper is based on information that is available on the deportations of 167 people, most of them young adult males. Many assume politics was a key motivation for deportation. However, Finnish Americans were rarely deported for political activities. The paper discusses a few interesting cases of political deportations both during the interwar years, and after the Second World War. The information is mostly based on the correspondence between the authorities in Finland and the United States and Canada, available at the Foreign Ministry Archives in Helsinki, Finland. Special attention is directed to the social and political background of those people and of special interest are the specific reasons, social or health problems, which seem to be the basis of most deportation decisions.

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Cultural protectionism has been an element of national and foreign policies, as an extension of state sovereignty expressed both in a defensive and offensive manner. While the generic protectionist formula in the sense of restraining trade between states through measures such as import tariffs or quotas and through privileging domestic production has somewhat disintegrated over time under the rationale for free trade and the strong practical evidence of its benefits, the particular case of cultural protectionism has persevered. As we reveal in this paper, however, it has been modified, or at least its rhetoric has changed. The enquiry into the notion of cultural protectionism or cultural diversity, as the current political jargon would have it, is but one of the paper’s objectives. Its second and certainly more ambitious goal is the search for the normative dimensions of cultural diversity policies in the global digital space, asking what adjustments are needed and how feasible the entire project of diversity regulation in this environment may be. Taking into account the specificities of cyberspace and in a forward-looking manner, we propose some adjustments to current media policy practices that could better serve the goal of a sustainably diverse cultural environment.

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In Switzerland, there are 26 systems of cantonal decentralisation because regulating municipal autonomy is an exclusively cantonal competency. Existing measures of local autonomy/cantonal decentralisation are confined to measuring the real or perceived distribution of functions. Alternatively, they weigh expenditures (Dafflon 1992) or tax revenues (Dlabac and Schaub forthcoming) of municipalities against those of the canton. Complementing these indices, this paper additionally measures the politics dimension of cantonal decentralisation. Seven aspects are measured: intra-cantonal regionalism, cumuldesmandats (double tenure of cantonal MP and mayoral office), territorial quotas for legislative and executive elections, direct local representation and lobbying, party decentralisation, the number and size of constituencies, and direct democracy (communal referendum and initiative). This results in a ranking of all 26 cantons as regards the politics of local autonomy within their political systems. The measure will help scholars to test assumptions held for decentralisation in general, be it as a dependent (explaining decentralisation) or as an independent variable (decentralisation—so what?), within but also beyond the Swiss context.

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Resource-poor yet blissful Switzerland is also one of the most food-secure countries in the world: there are abundant food supplies, relatively low retail prices in terms of purchasing power parity, with few poverty traps. Domestic production covers 70% of net domestic consumption. A vast and efficient food reserve scheme insures against import disruptions. Nonetheless, the food security contribution by the four sectoral policies involved is mutually constrained: our agriculture is protected by the world’s highest tariffs. Huge subsidies, surface payments, and some production quotas substitute market signals with rent maximisation. Moreover, these inefficiencies also prevent trade and investment policies which would keep markets open, development policies which would provide African farmers with the tools to become more competitive, and supply policies which would work against speculators. The paralysing effect of Swiss agricultural policies is exacerbated by new “food security subsidies” in the name of “food sovereignty” while two pending people’s initiatives might yet increase the splendid isolation which in effect reduce Swiss farmer competitiveness and global food security. Is there a solution? Absent a successful conclusion of the Doha Round (WTO) or a Transatlantic Trade and Investment Partnership Agreement (TTIP) further market openings and a consequent “recoupling” of taxpayer support to public goods production remain highly un-likely. To the very minimum Switzerland should resume the agricultural reform process, join other countries trying to prevent predatory behaviour of its investors in developing countries, and regionalise its food reserve.