Veus ignorades: representacions socials, subjectivitat i resiliència en persones grans amb pèrdua d’autonomia funcional

Els processos per a l’aprovació i la implementació de la Llei per a l’Autonomia personal i l’Atenció a les Persones en situació de Dependència (LAPAD) han donat lloc a un intens debat polític i social que, coincidint també amb les millores en la provisió de serveis i els avenços mèdics, ha contribuït a un procés de classificació i d’etiquetatge basats en els dèficits de les persones que es troben en aquestes circumstàncies. Aquesta visió anul·la el subjecte i la seva experiència singular i condiciona l’abordatge dels models d’atenció i de cura. L’estudi pretén fer una aproximació a les persones grans amb pèrdua d’autonomia funcional, fent emergir les seves veus, que expressen com perceben, interpreten, afronten i es reajusten a la nova situació. Partint d’un enfocament constructivista, basat en la subjectivitat, es fa un recorregut sobre els models de la discapacitat que han reeixit en l’activitat científica dels darrers anys, els mecanismes de regulació de les pèrdues que defensen les teories del cicle vital i les aportacions que s’han fet sobre el model de la resiliència aplicat a les persones que envelleixen. El resultats de l’estudi mostren com les representacions i els significats que les persones grans atribueixen a la seva experiència s’inscriuen en les seves trajectòries vitals, donant un sentit únic i singular a la forma de viure i de respondre a la pèrdua d’autonomia funcional i les seves conseqüències. Aquelles que expressen una vivència d’integritat respecte de la vida viscuda, amb predomini d’afectes positius envers un mateix i els altres, que conserven l’esperança i el desig de continuar vivint, s’ajusten a les pèrdues de manera més satisfactòria que aquelles que expressen desconfiança i una certa amargor respecte de la pròpia vida. D’això se’n deriva que els espais d’escolta i d’acompanyament poden ser un recurs vàlid i necessari en el qual, a través de la paraula i el testimoni narrat, el subjecte pugui repensar i resignificar les seves experiències.

Simulations of action of DNA topoisomerases to investigate boundaries and shapes of spaces of knots.

The configuration space available to randomly cyclized polymers is divided into subspaces accessible to individual knot types. A phantom chain utilized in numerical simulations of polymers can explore all subspaces, whereas a real closed chain forming a figure-of-eight knot, for example, is confined to a subspace corresponding to this knot type only. One can conceptually compare the assembly of configuration spaces of various knot types to a complex foam where individual cells delimit the configuration space available to a given knot type. Neighboring cells in the foam harbor knots that can be converted into each other by just one intersegmental passage. Such a segment-segment passage occurring at the level of knotted configurations corresponds to a passage through the interface between neighboring cells in the foamy knot space. Using a DNA topoisomerase-inspired simulation approach we characterize here the effective interface area between neighboring knot spaces as well as the surface-to-volume ratio of individual knot spaces. These results provide a reference system required for better understanding mechanisms of action of various DNA topoisomerases.

Is there a connection between the tax administration and the political power?

This paper offers empirical evidence from Spain of a connection between the tax administration and the political power. Firstly, the regional tax administration is not immune to the budgetary situation of regional government, and tends to exert a greater (or lesser) effort in tax collection the greater (or lower) the (expected) public deficit. At the same time, the system of unconditional grants from the central layer of government provokes an ¿income effect¿ which disincentivises the efforts of the tax administration. Secondly, these efforts also decrease when the margin to lose a parliamentary seat in an electoral district is cut, although the importance of this disincentive decreases according to the parliamentary strength of the incumbent

Lobbying, political competition, and local land supply: recent evidence from Spain

We analyze whether local land supply is influenced by the degree of political competition, and interpret the findings as being indicative of the influence wielded by land development lobbies. We use a new database including both political and land supply data for more than 2,000 Spanish municipalities for the period 2003-2007. In Spain, land use policies are largely a local responsibility with municipalities having periodically to pass compre- hensive land use plans. The main policy variable in these plans, and the one analyzed here, is the amount of land classified for potential development. We measure local political competition as the margin of victory of the incumbent government. We instrument this variable using the number of votes obtained by parties represented in local government when standing at the first national legislative elections following the re-establishment of democracy, and the number of votes they actually obtained regionally at the national legislative elections. The results indicate that stiffer political competition does indeed reduce the amount of new land designated for development. This effect is found to be most marked in suburbs, in towns with a high percent of commuters and homeowners, and in municipalities governed by the left.

Lobbying, political competition, and local land supply: recent evidence from Spain

We analyze whether local land supply is influenced by the degree of political competition, and interpret the findings as being indicative of the influence wielded by land development lobbies. We use a new database including both political and land supply data for more than 2,000 Spanish municipalities for the period 2003-2007. In Spain, land use policies are largely a local responsibility with municipalities having periodically to pass compre- hensive land use plans. The main policy variable in these plans, and the one analyzed here, is the amount of land classified for potential development. We measure local political competition as the margin of victory of the incumbent government. We instrument this variable using the number of votes obtained by parties represented in local government when standing at the first national legislative elections following the re-establishment of democracy, and the number of votes they actually obtained regionally at the national legislative elections. The results indicate that stiffer political competition does indeed reduce the amount of new land designated for development. This effect is found to be most marked in suburbs, in towns with a high percent of commuters and homeowners, and in municipalities governed by the left.