Legal Integration of Islam: A Transatlantic Comparison

The status of Islam in Western societies remains deeply contentious. Countering strident claims on both the right and left, Legal Integration of Islam offers an empirically informed analysis of how four liberal democracies—France, Germany, Canada, and the United States—have responded to the challenge of integrating Islam and Muslim populations. Demonstrating the centrality of the legal system to this process, Christian Joppke and John Torpey reject the widely held notion that Europe is incapable of accommodating Islam and argue that institutional barriers to Muslim integration are no greater on one side of the Atlantic than the other. While Muslims have achieved a substantial degree of equality working through the courts, political dynamics increasingly push back against these gains, particularly in Europe. From a classical liberal viewpoint, religion can either be driven out of public space, as in France, or included without sectarian preference, as in Germany. But both policies come at a price—religious liberty in France and full equality in Germany. Often seen as the flagship of multiculturalism, Canada has found itself responding to nativist and liberal pressures as Muslims become more assertive. And although there have been outbursts of anti-Islamic sentiment in the United States, the legal and political recognition of Islam is well established and largely uncontested. Legal Integration of Islam brings to light the successes and the shortcomings of integrating Islam through law without denying the challenges that this religion presents for liberal societies.

Low-Income Developing Countries and WTO Litigation: Why Wake Up the Sleeping Dog?

The World Trade Organization (WTO) is one of the most judicialized dispute settlement systems in international politics. While a general appreciation has developed that the system has worked quite well, research has not paid sufficient attention to the weakest actors in the system. This paper addresses the puzzle of missing cases of least-developed countries initiating WTO disputes settlement procedures. It challenges the existing literature on developing countries in WTO dispute settlement which predominantly focuses on legal capacity and economic interests. The paper provides an argument that the small universe of ‘actionable cases’, the option of free riding and the assessment of the perceived opportunity costs related to other foreign policy priorities better explain the absence of cases. In addition (and somewhat counterintuitively), we argue that the absence of cases is not necessarily bad news and shows how the weakest actors can use the dispute settlement system in a ‘lighter version’ or in indirect ways. The argument is empirically assessed by conducting a case study on four West African cotton-producing countries (C4) and their involvement in dispute settlement.

The Global Digital Divide as Impeded Access to Content

The paper seeks a re-conceptualization of the global digital divide debate. It critically explores the predominant notion, its evolution and measurement, as well as the policies that have been advanced to bridge the digital divide. Acknowledging the complexity of this inequality, the paper aims at analyzing the disparities beyond the connectivity and the skills barriers. Without understating the first two digital divides, it is argued that as the Internet becomes more sophisticated and more integrated into economic, social and cultural processes, a ‘third’ generation of divides becomes critical. These divides are drawn not at the entry to the net but within the net itself, and limit access to content. The increasing barriers to content, although of diverse nature, all relate to some governance characteristics inherent in cyberspace, such as global spillover of local decisions, regulation through code or proliferation of self- and co-regulatory models. It is maintained that as the practice of intervention intensifies in cyberspace, multiple and far-reaching points of control outside formal legal institutions are created, which threaten the availability of public goods and make the pursuit of public objectives difficult. This is an aspect that is rarely addressed in the global digital divide discussions, even in comprehensive analysis and political initiatives such as the World Summit on the Information Society. Yet, the conceptualization of the digital divide as impeded access to content may be key in terms of ensuring real participation and catering for the long-term implications of digital technologies.

Re-Conceptualizing the Global Digital Divide

The article seeks a re-conceptualization of the global digital divide debate. It critically explores the predominant notion, its evolution and measurement, as well as the policies that have been advanced to bridge the digital divide. Acknowledging the complexity of this inequality, the article aims at analyzing the disparities beyond the connectivity and skills barriers. Without understating the first two digital divides, it is argued that as the Internet becomes more sophisticated and more integrated into economic, social, and cultural processes, a “third” generation of divides becomes critical. These divides are drawn not at the entry to the net but within the net itself, and limit access to content. The increasing barriers to content, though of a diverse nature, all relate to some governance characteristics inherent in cyberspace, such as global spillover of local decisions, regulation through code, and proliferation of self- and co-regulatory models. It is maintained that as the practice of intervention intensifies in cyberspace, multiple and far-reaching points of control outside formal legal institutions are created, threatening the availability of public goods and making the pursuit of public objectives difficult. This is an aspect that is rarely addressed in the global digital divide discussions, even in comprehensive analyses and political initiatives such as the World Summit on the Information Society. Yet, the conceptualization of the digital divide as impeded access to content may be key in terms of ensuring real participation and catering for the long-term implications of digital technologies.

How political economies affect immigrants' socio-economic incorporation. A comparative analysis of immigrants’ poverty risks across advanced industrialised countries

Immigration and the resulting increasing ethnic diversity have become an important characteristic of advanced industrialised countries. At the same time, the majority of the countries in question are confronted with structural transformation such as deindustrialisation and changes in family structures as well as economic downturn, which limit the capacities of nation-states in addressing rising inequality and supporting those individuals at the margins of the society. This paper addresses both issues, immigration and inequality, by focusing on immigrants’ socio-economic incorporation into the receiving societies of advanced industrialised countries. The aim of this paper is to explain cross-national variation in immigrants’ poverty risks. Drawing on the political economy as well as the migration literature, the paper develops a theoretical framework that considers how the impact of the national labour market and welfare system on immigrants’ poverty risks is moderated by the integration policies, which regulate immigrants’ access to the labour market and social programs (or immigrants’ economic and social rights). The empirical analysis draws on income surveys as well as a newly collected data set on economic and social rights of immigrants in 19 advanced industrialised countries, including European countries as well as Australia, and North America, for the year 2007. As the results from multilevel analysis show, integration policies concerning immigrants’ access to the labour market and social programs can partly explain cross-national variations in immigrants’ poverty risks. In line with the hypothesis, stricter labour market regulations such as minimum wage setting reduce immigrants’ poverty risks stronger in countries where they are granted easier access to the labour market. However, concerning the impact of more generous social programs the reductive poverty effect is stronger in countries with less inclusive access of immigrants to social programs. The paper concludes by discussing possible explanations for this puzzling finding.

Environmental Policy in Majoritarian Systems

This paper sheds new light on the determination of environmental policies in majoritarian federal electoral systems such as the U.S., and derives implications for the environmental federalism debate on whether the national or local government should have authority over environmental policies. In majoritarian systems, where the legislature consists of geographically distinct electoral districts, the majority party (at either the national or the state level) favors its own home districts; depending on the location of polluting industries and the associated pollution damages, the majority party may therefore impose sub-optimally high or low pollution taxes due to a majority bias. We show that majority bias can influence the social-welfare ranking of alternative government policies and, in some cases, may actually bring distortionary policies closer to the first-best solution.

Property Law

This chapter examines the economics of property rights and property law. Property law is a fundamental part of social organization and is also fundamental to the operation of the economy because it defines and protects the bundle of rights that constitute property. Property law thereby creates incentives to protect and invest in assets and establishes a legal framework within which market exchange of assets can take place. The purpose of this chapter is to show how the economics of property rights can be used to understand fundamental features of property law and related extra-legal institutions. The chapter will both examine the rationale for legal doctrine and the effects of legal doctrine regarding the exercise, enforcement, and transfer of rights. It will also examine various property rights regimes including open access, private ownership, common property and state property. The guiding questions are: How are property rights established? What explains the variation in the types of property rights? What governs the use and transfer of rights? And, how are property rights enforced?

Stagnation and Change in Islamic History

There appear to be two seemingly contradictory images of economic change in the Islamic World and mixed evidence on whether Islamic societies have been open or conservative against modern ideas, technological advancements, and legal developments. Whereas a conservative attitude has been dominant in some societies and time periods, Muslims were at the forefront of scientific, technological, and legal developments in others. Rather than rely on ad hoc assumptions about the attitudes and characteristics of societies or the inherent qualities of new developments, this paper explains attitudes towards change by studying the political economy of the relationship between the rulers and the legal community. I extend recent theories of endogenous institutional change to develop a framework based on how rulers and legal community reacted to new developments immediately and how their strategic interaction unleashed an endogenous process toward change in the long run. Using this framework, I identify conditions under which new ideas, technologies, and legal developments have resulted in immediate change in Islamic societies. I also examine the process of change in the long run, whether and how immediate outcomes could be sustained over time as strategic interaction continued repeatedly.

Na 1 Nachlass Max Horkheimer, 651 - "Vorwort zu Alfred Schmidt: Der Begriff der Natur in der Lehre von Marx"; "Vorlesungen über Autorität und Gesellschaft"; "Über Logik"; "Vorlesungsankündigungen" (p. IX 32.1-3-IX 35)

Vorwort von Horkheimer, Max und Ardorno, Theodor W. zu: Schmidt, Alfred: Der Begriff der Natur in der Lehre Marx. Frankfurt am Main 1962, Frankfurter Beiträge zur Soziologie Band 11. Mehrere Typoskripte und zwei Entwürfe, Typoskrip c mit eigenhändigen Korrekturen von Theodor W. Adorno, 2 Blatt; zweiter Entwurf mit handschriftlichen Korrekturen von Friedrich Pollock, 1 Blatt; Schmidt, Alfred: Gutachten über die Inauguraldissertation 'Die Rolle der Natur in der Marxschen Konzeption der Gesselschaft'. Typoskript mit eigenhändigen Korrekturen, 4 Blatt; Typoskript, 7 Blatt; Pollock, Friedrich: Eigenhändige Notize und Korrekturvorschläge zur Dissertation von Alfred Schmidt, 24 Blatt; Vorlesungen über Autorität und Gesellschaft [Columbia University New York]; 1936-37 "Authority and Status in Modern Society"; 1937-38 "Authoritarian Thought and Institutions in Europe"; 1938-39 "Authoritarian Doctrines and modern European Institutions"; Einleitende Vorlesung über Autorität und Gesellschaft, 1936/37 (Max Horkheimer). Drei englsiche Fassungen, eine deutsche Fassung (GS 12, S.39-68); Zweite Vorlesung über Autorität und Gesellschaft (Max Horkheimer). Englische Fassung, Typoskript mit eigenhändigen Korrekturen, 27 Blatt; deutsche Fassung, Typoskript mit eigenhändigen Korrekturen, 20 Blatt (GS 12, S.39-68); "History" (Herbert Marcuse). Typoskript mit eigenhändigen Korrekturen, 7 Blatt; "Empirical Research" (Paul Lazarfeld). Typoskript, 7 Blatt; "Economica" (Friedrich Pollock). Typoskript, 9 Blatt; "Authoritarian State" (Franz Neumann). Typoskript mit handschriftlichen Korrekturen, 18 Blatt; Teilstück, Typoskript mit handschriftlichen Korrekturen, 1 Blatt; "Education" (Leo Löwenthal ?). Typoskript, 6 Blatt; Einleitung in den psychologischen Teil (Fromm). Englische Fassung, Typoskript, 5 Blatt; Abschlußvorlesung: Zusammenfassung (Max Horkheimer). Englische Fassung, Typoskript mit eigenhändigen und handschriftlichen Korrekturen, 9 Blatt; deutsche Fassung, Typoskript, 5 Blatt (GS 12, S. 39-68); Teilstücke (Entwürfe ?) zu den Vorlesungen. Typoskript mit eigenhändigen Korrekturen, 5 Blatt; Eigenhändige Notizen zu den Vorlesungen, 6 Blatt; Literaturlisten. Als Typoskript vervielfältigt, 3 Blatt; Vorlesungsankündigungen. Als Typoskript vervielfältigt, 4 Blatt; Typoskript, 2 Blatt; Ohne Namen: "Errors in Professor Horkheimers Lecture". Stichworte zu sprachlichen Fehlern Max Horkheimers, 4 Blatt; "Über Logik": Vorlesung von Max Horkheimer, 1939. Typoskript mit handschriftlichen Ergänzungen von Herbert Marcuse, 17 Blatt; Typoskript mit eigenhändigen Korrekturen, 10 Blatt (GS 12, S. 69-74); Vorlesungsankündigungen der Institutsmitglieder (1941 ?); Horkheimer, Max: "The Social Psychology of Mass Movements"; Horkheimer, Max: "Modern Utopias and their Social Background"; Adorno, Theodor W.: "Sociology of Art"; Adorno, Theodor W.: "Sociology of Popular Music"; Marcuse, Herbert: "Social and Intelectual Foundations of Modern European Democracy"; Marcuse, Herbert: "The Development of Social Thought in der Modern Era"; Neumann, Franz: "History of Modern Political Thought"; Neumann, Franz: "Sociology of Legal Institutions"; Löwenthal, Leo: "Sociology of Modern Popular Literature"; Löwenthal, Leo: "Social Trends in European Literature since the Renaissance"; Kirchheimer, Otto: "Sociology of Political Institutions"; Kirchheimer, Otto: "Development of Criminological Thought". Typoskript, 13 Blatt; Typoskript, 7 Blatt; Typoskript mit handschriftlichen Korrekturen, 14 Blatt;

Debates hacia adentro : Las ideas económicas del frente antifascista liberal en Argentina (1939-1943)

El artículo analiza las ideas económicas de un arco de instituciones y publicaciones políticas y culturales que convergieron en la consolidación del movimiento antifascista liberal en Argentina en 1939-1943, definido por el apoyo a los Aliados en la guerra mundial y la oposición a grupos nacionalistas y antiliberales y a la administración de Ramón S. Castillo (1940-1943). En diálogo con la nueva historiografía que ha revisado el período de entreguerras en Argentina, el artículo sostiene que la defensa de las libertades políticas y culturales, centro del discurso unificador del frente antifascista, coexistía con distintas posiciones sobre el liberalismo económico y el proceso de intervención del estado en la economía desarrollado por los grupos conservadores gobernantes desde 1930. El texto pone de relieve así la existencia de coincidencias inter-partidarias y diferencias intra-partidarias sobre dichos procesos que frecuentemente eran oscurecidos por el conflicto político de esos año

Debates hacia adentro : Las ideas económicas del frente antifascista liberal en Argentina (1939-1943)

El artículo analiza las ideas económicas de un arco de instituciones y publicaciones políticas y culturales que convergieron en la consolidación del movimiento antifascista liberal en Argentina en 1939-1943, definido por el apoyo a los Aliados en la guerra mundial y la oposición a grupos nacionalistas y antiliberales y a la administración de Ramón S. Castillo (1940-1943). En diálogo con la nueva historiografía que ha revisado el período de entreguerras en Argentina, el artículo sostiene que la defensa de las libertades políticas y culturales, centro del discurso unificador del frente antifascista, coexistía con distintas posiciones sobre el liberalismo económico y el proceso de intervención del estado en la economía desarrollado por los grupos conservadores gobernantes desde 1930. El texto pone de relieve así la existencia de coincidencias inter-partidarias y diferencias intra-partidarias sobre dichos procesos que frecuentemente eran oscurecidos por el conflicto político de esos año

Debates hacia adentro : Las ideas económicas del frente antifascista liberal en Argentina (1939-1943)

El artículo analiza las ideas económicas de un arco de instituciones y publicaciones políticas y culturales que convergieron en la consolidación del movimiento antifascista liberal en Argentina en 1939-1943, definido por el apoyo a los Aliados en la guerra mundial y la oposición a grupos nacionalistas y antiliberales y a la administración de Ramón S. Castillo (1940-1943). En diálogo con la nueva historiografía que ha revisado el período de entreguerras en Argentina, el artículo sostiene que la defensa de las libertades políticas y culturales, centro del discurso unificador del frente antifascista, coexistía con distintas posiciones sobre el liberalismo económico y el proceso de intervención del estado en la economía desarrollado por los grupos conservadores gobernantes desde 1930. El texto pone de relieve así la existencia de coincidencias inter-partidarias y diferencias intra-partidarias sobre dichos procesos que frecuentemente eran oscurecidos por el conflicto político de esos año

Integration under 'One Country, Two Systems' - The Case of Mainland China and Hong Kong-

Ever since the handover of the territory in 1997, Hong Kong has had its own unique law and its own economic system and international legal personality, and has not been integrated with Mainland China. The Basic Law guarantees the uniqueness of the Hong Kong SAR until 2047. But close economic ties between Hong Kong and the Mainland will promote closer economic integration. The Basic Law limits only a customs union and the introduction of a single currency, but not the formation of a Free Trade Agreement (hereafter FTA) and monetary union. FTA has already been realized in the form of the Closer Economic Partnership Arrangement (hereafter CEPA). The Hong Kong SAR government, including the bureaucrat as well as the Chief Executive Tung Chee Hwa, was opposed to, and hesitant towards, the formation of a regional trade agreement with the Mainland, but the business community made them to adopt a positive attitude towards the CEPA. It is unclear how much integration can been deepened, but it can be argued that the current policy of the Hong Kong SAR is too supportive of business, and an excessive degree of economic integration may threaten the uniqueness of Hong Kong. But if Hong Kong achieves democracy and enjoys complete autonomy, it will be easy for economic integration to co-exist with the 'One Country, Two Systems' approach, in the interests of the business community and of the citizens of the SAR.

Growth and public finance in Bihar

This paper explores the causal links between the role of public finance and Bihar's growth and development in the last decade; and argues that these links are tenuous. Bihar's growth acceleration precedes the ‘policy reforms' in public finance based on the ‘good governance' agenda initiated since 2005-06. However, the constraints on sustaining efforts to close Bihar's development gap with the rest of India stems from the nature of the growth process in its regional, sectoral and social dimensions and the contradictory means and ends of the ‘policy reforms' in public finance. Together, this has not only prevented the economic growth to add to public coiffeurs of the state but also occluded the role of tax institutions.