958 resultados para Nation without State
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Capitalism, like the universe, expands; it is foreseen as without limit and historically presented as if from the outside while paradoxically, unlike the universe, capitalism is an historical and contingent emergence. Many have suggested that its naturalization now leave it easier to imagine the end of the world than the end of capitalism. In consumer capitalism, subjectivity has become a commodity. Thus it is possible to say that consumer society is characterized by a "fetish of subjectivity", in which individualization (as lifestyle) and malaise (as symptom) are combined. The fetish of subjectivity may be one of the most important historical achievements of the relationship between capitalism and subjectivity, promoting highly individualized and intensive rules and requiring a consciousness in terms of the consumer society, a success-oriented life, competition and almost total autonomy in achieving the only goals and objectives culturally defined as legitimate and valid, experienced as decisions taken by each individual. Today’s individualization is is individualistic by nature, and it tends to weaken traditional forms of social ties and to strain social cohesion. Sociology is constituted as a discipline which has studied the problematic relationship between modernity and capitalism, which in turn has also been problematic for sociology itself. Especially the associated processes of modernization have favored the emergence of society as a distinctive phenomenon, of the individual and social action, and of subjectivity, a recurring dimension although not always explicit in its problematic. The nation-state has been a historic, formal and spatial expression of dimensions that express the historical relationship between modernity and capitalism...
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Utah lacks a NEPA-equivalent environmental law for state funded projects. UDOT policies provide guidance on complying with NEPA but not on environmental reviews of state funded transportation projects. These projects are either not evaluated for impacts or are evaluated without a formal process, resulting in inconsistent and inadequate consideration of resources and project alternatives, with limited public involvement. This capstone provides a standard policy for UDOT. The policy incorporates elements from other state DOT polices and is based on federal NEPA, CEQ regulations, FHWA technical guidance, and existing UDOT procedures. Implementation will ensure consideration of project impacts to resources, analysis of project alternatives, encourage meaningful public involvement, and improve interagency coordination.
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State and international entities can have profound effects on the development of a country’s nursing profession. Through a global health governance lens, this paper explores the development of nursing in Brazil during the early twentieth century, and its intersections with national and international interests. Accordingly, we will show how state policies established an environment that fostered the institutionalization of nursing as a profession in Brazil and supported it as a means to increase the presence of females in nation building processes. The State focused on recruiting elite women for nursing, in part due to the Rockefeller Foundation’s involvement in the country. Nurses who worked for Rockefeller came from well-educated classes within US society with specific ideas about who should be a nurse and the roles of nurses in a healthcare system. These women served as the primary vehicles for interacting with Brazilian health authorities responsible for health system development. Their early efforts did not, however, ensure a system capable of producing nursing human resources at a rate that, in present day Brazil, could meet the health needs of the country. Findings from this paper offer new avenues for historians to explore the early roots of professional nursing through a global health governance lens, improve the understanding of the intersection between international politics and professionalization, and highlight how these factors may impact nursing human resources production in the long term.
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Julian Barnes, Pat Barker, and Hanif Kureishi are all canonical authors whose fictions are widely believed to reflect the cultural and political state of a nation that is post-war, post-imperial and post-modern. While much has been written on how Barker’s and Kureishi’s early works in particular respond to and intervene in the presiding political narrative of the 1980s – Thatcherism – treatment of how revenants of Thatcherism have shaped these writers’ works from 1990 on has remained cursory. Thatcherism is more than an obvious historical reference point for Barker, Barnes, and Kureishi; their works demonstrate a sophisticated understanding of how Thatcher’s reworkings of the repertoires of Englishness – a representational as well as political and cultural endeavour – persist beyond her time in office. Barnes, Barker, and Kureishi seem to have reached the same conclusion as political and cultural critics: Thatcher and Thatcherism have remade not only the contemporary political and cultural landscapes but also the electorate and consequently the English themselves. Tony Blair’s conception of the New Britain proved less than satisfactory because contemporary repertoires of Englishness repeat and rework historical and not incidentally imperial formulations of England and Englishness rather than envision civic and populist formulations of renewal. Barnes’s England, England and Arthur & George confront the discourse of inevitability that has come to be attached to contemporary formulations of both political and cultural Englishness – both in terms of its predictable demise and its belated celebration. Kureishi’s The Buddha of Suburbia and “The Body” speak to an alteration that has taken place in which historical Englishness and Thatcherism have become complementary rather than contrasting discourses. What Barker’s Border Crossing and Double Vision offer against this backdrop is a subtle interrogation of how renewal itself comes to be a presiding mode of cultural reflection that absorbs revolutionary possibility.
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As French forces are engaged in combat operations in Mali, even belated EU involvement remains crucial, to ensure that the intervention fits in with the political end-state that the EU rightly pursues.
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A key element of Russia’s policy towards the new government of Ukraine concerns demands for a constitutional reform that would transform the country from a unitary into a federal state in a way that would considerably privilege the eastern and southern regions. Such a change to Ukraine’s administrative system would enable Moscow to put pressure on Ukraine’s central government via the regions. In order to achieve its objectives, Russia has been pressuring Kyiv to establish a constitutional assembly in a form that would guarantee the endorsement of solutions dictated by Russia. In other words, Russia has been demanding, in what is practically an ultimatum, that Ukraine give up one of the fundamental sovereign rights of a state, the right to freely determine its system of government. Transforming Ukraine into a federal state is an unacceptable idea, primarily because the intention behind Russia’s demands is to undermine Ukraine’s sovereignty, both through the content of the proposed changes and the way in which they are to be implemented. However, keeping in place the current, centralist model of state governance is not a feasible alternative. Ukraine will have to grant its regions broad self-governance powers, including the power to hold local referendums, and to transfer a considerable portion of the prerogatives currently held by the state to the local self-governments, along with adequate financial resources. That is because decentralisation along these lines is the only way forward towards a modern democracy in Ukraine. Russia’s policy has forced Kyiv to undertake legislative work on constitutional reform as a matter of urgency, rather than waiting until a new parliament is elected in which the new, post-Maidan balance of political power will be reflected, as political logic would require. The first draft of the constitutional amendments (of which no details are known at this stage) is to be presented in mid-May, and is expected to come into force in early autumn. However, whether these plans can be put into practice depends on further developments in the eastern part of Ukraine, because (among other reasons) if a state of emergency is introduced, the constitutional amendment process will have to be suspended.
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Research on the industrial transition in East Germany and its outcomes has long focused on the strategy of the Treuhand anstalt (IHA). According to institutionalists, David Stark and Lazlo Brust!: (1998), the powerful position of the German privatization agency was not only a result of German unification but also a function of a pathway rooted in the institutional peculiarities of the East German economy before 1989. This paper shows that neither a simple top-down perspective nor the pathway approach, as Stark and Brust!: suggested, are adequate for explaining the internal dynamic of enterprise transformation as well as the outcomes of this process. First of all, the dissolution of the former organizational structures and hierarchies was less coordinated by the 1HA than is often assumed. Often Kombinates fell apart more quickly from below than they could be dismantled from above since enterprises or their units chose the exit option and had good reasons to do so. Secondly, although the privatization by the 1HA resulted in the clear dominance of Western investors, the new ownership structure of East German industry as a whole could be characterized as a "capitalism without (East German) capitalists." In fact, what exists in East Germany is rather a kind of "small business capitalism" (KleinbetriebsknpitalifmllS) in which small-and medium-sized producers dominate the landscape. Finally, there was no single starting point in 1989. Two different industrial orders shaped the industrial history of the East German regions which were not destroyed between 1945-89, but rather transformed into the state socialist production system. It can be shown that these older historical patterns are relevant for transition and their outcomes as well.
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Since the beginning of its existence in the form of communities, this entity faced a lot of challenges that could had been stopped the European dream without the fast, prompt and appropriate reaction of the decision makers. There were a lot of difficult times in its history of more than 60 years but the ambition and need of going forward on the way of integration prevailed and today we can talk about European Union as one of the most important global players, having one of the most complex and fascinating political systems. The tenacity and the willing to succeed off the decision makers made this possible. Moments like “The Empty Chair Crisis“, changes with regards to the decision- making process, convenient for ones but inconvenient for the others, lack of consensus with regards to the new accessions, the big changes that Europe went through in the late 80s etc. showed that the decision makers can have an appropriate response whatever the problem would be and that we must stay together and go on dreaming to a united nation in the form of a federation. Nowadays we are facing maybe the most difficult moment in European Union history. Many of the member states were and still are on the edge. A lot of immediate and prompt actions were taken since the start of financial crisis, either political or economic, drove by the need of going on. We are too much into the integration process, too much dependent one of each other so that we cannot stop and simply go back only to the concept of national state.
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The financial crisis that erupted in the eurozone not only affected the EU’s financial governance mechanisms, but also the very nature of state sovereignty and balances in the relations of member states; thus, the actual inequalities between the member states hidden behind their institutional equality have deteriorated. This transformation is recorded in the case law of the Court of Justice of the European Union and the member states’ constitutional courts, particularly in those at the heart of the crisis, with Greece as the most prominent example. It is the issue of public debt (sovereign debt) of the EU member states that particularly reflects the influence of the crisis on state sovereignty as well as the intensely transnational (intergovernmental) character of European integration, which under these circumstances takes the form of a continuous, tough negotiation. The historical connection between public debt (sovereign debt) and state sovereignty has re-emerged because of the financial crisis. This development has affected not only the European institutions, but also, at the member state level, the actual institutional content of the rule of law (especially judicial review) and the welfare state in its essence, as the great social and political acquis of 20th century Europe. From this perspective, the way that the Greek courts have dealt with the gradual waves of fiscal austerity measures and structural reforms from 2010 to 2015 is characteristic. The effect of the financial crisis on the sovereignty of the member states and on the pace of European integration also has an impact on European foreign and security policy, and the correlations between the political forces at both the national and European level, thus producing even more intense pressures on European social democracy. In light of the experience of the financial crisis, the final question is whether the nation state (given the large real inequalities among the EU member states) currently functions as a brake or as an engine for future European integration.
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2015 saw a drop in Belarus’s GDP for the first time in almost 20 years, which is primarily the result of a significant reduction in levels of production and export. As a consequence, there was also a serious depletion of the country’s foreign exchange reserves, as well as a progressive weakening of the Belarusian rouble. The macroeconomic figures from January and February 2016 show that these trends are not only continuing, but they are also becoming even more severe, which confirms that Belarus now finds itself in a prolonged economic crisis. On one hand, the reason for this state of affairs is the protracted economic recession in Russia, which is Belarus’s main economic partner, together with the drastic global decline in prices for fuel, which is a key Belarusian export. On the other hand, meanwhile, an equally important reason for the current crisis is the failure of the Belarusian economic model. President Aleksandr Lukashenko, out of fear that his authoritarian system of government will be dismantled and that public discontent will rise, has categorically rejected the proposals for even partial reforms put forward by some of his entourage, who are aware of the need for the immediate transformation of the country’s anachronistic and very costly economic model, based as it still is on quasi-Soviet management policies.
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OBJECTIVE Epilepsy is increasingly considered as the dysfunction of a pathologic neuronal network (epileptic network) rather than a single focal source. We aimed to assess the interactions between the regions that comprise the epileptic network and to investigate their dependence on the occurrence of interictal epileptiform discharges (IEDs). METHODS We analyzed resting state simultaneous electroencephalography-functional magnetic resonance imaging (EEG-fMRI) recordings in 10 patients with drug-resistant focal epilepsy with multifocal IED-related blood oxygen level-dependent (BOLD) responses and a maximum t-value in the IED field. We computed functional connectivity (FC) maps of the epileptic network using two types of seed: (1) a 10-mm diameter sphere centered in the global maximum of IED-related BOLD map, and (2) the independent component with highest correlation to the IED-related BOLD map, named epileptic component. For both approaches, we compared FC maps before and after regressing out the effect of IEDs in terms of maximum and mean t-values and percentage of map overlap. RESULTS Maximum and mean FC maps t-values were significantly lower after regressing out IEDs at the group level (p < 0.01). Overlap extent was 85% ± 12% and 87% ± 12% when the seed was the 10-mm diameter sphere and the epileptic component, respectively. SIGNIFICANCE Regions involved in a specific epileptic network show coherent BOLD fluctuations independent of scalp EEG IEDs. FC topography and strength is largely preserved by removing the IED effect. This could represent a signature of a sustained pathologic network with contribution from epileptic activity invisible to the scalp EEG.
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The voltage-dependent anion-selective channel (VDAC) is an intrinsic β-barrel membrane protein located within the mitochondrial outer membrane where it serves as a pore, connecting the mitochondria to the cytosol. The high-resolution structures of both the human and murine VDACs have been resolved by X-ray diffraction and nuclear magnetic resonance spectroscopy (NMR) in 2008. However, the structural data are not completely in line with the findings that were obtained after decades of research on biochemical and functional analysis of VDAC. This discrepancy may be related to the fact that structural biology studies of membrane proteins reveal specific static conformations that may not necessarily represent the physiological state. For example, overexpression of membrane proteins in bacterial inclusion bodies or simply the extraction from the native lipid environment using harsh purification methods (i.e. chaotropic agents) can disturb the physiological conformations and the supramolecular assemblies. To address these potential issues, we have developed a method, allowing rapid one step purification of endogenous VDAC expressed in the native mitochondrial membrane without overexpression of recombinant protein or usage of harsh chaotropic extraction procedures. Using the Saccharomyces cerevisiae isoform 1 of VDAC as a model, this method yields efficient purification, preserving VDAC in a more physiological, native state following extraction from mitochondria. Single particle analysis using transmission electron microscopy (TEM) demonstrated conservation of oligomeric assembly after purification. Maintenance of the native state was evaluated using functional assessment that involves an ATP-binding assay by micro-scale thermophoresis (MST). Using this approach, we were able to determine for the first time the apparent KD for ATP of 1.2 mM.
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Former site of Kresge's. Source: Ray Hutzel