593 resultados para Journalistic hypergenre


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Pós-graduação em Estudos Literários - FCLAR

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Pós-graduação em Geografia - FCT

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Coordenação de Aperfeiçoamento de Pessoal de Nível Superior (CAPES)

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Coordenação de Aperfeiçoamento de Pessoal de Nível Superior (CAPES)

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O artigo analisa as narrativas da contemporaneidade, na vertente da reportagem, e cruza as práticas jornalísticas com o discurso científico da complexidade. Do intercâmbio inter e transdisciplinar, apresenta os desafios epistemológicos vivenciados nas mediações sociais da comunicação. Dessa forma, o presente texto desliza constantemente entre as narrativas das mídias brasileiras contemporâneas sobre temas emergentes e os suportes teóricos que desenvolveu em sua obra. Apontando as dinâmicas empíricas e a crise dos paradigmas teóricos, o artigo apresenta, ainda, um diagnóstico do deficit de complexidade nas práticas interpretativas da experiência coletiva.

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O objetivo deste artigo, situado no campo da comunicação em saúde, é analisar os sentidos atribuídos discursivamente à febre amarela silvestre durante a cobertura jornalística da epizootia da doença, ocorrida no Brasil no verão 2007-2008. Utilizando o referencial teórico das práticas discursivas e da produção de sentidos no cotidiano e as hipóteses de agendamento (agenda-setting) e enquadramento (framing) da notícia, foram analisadas todas as matérias sobre febre amarela veiculadas pelo jornal Folha de S. Paulo, no período de 21 de dezembro de 2007 a 29 de fevereiro de 2008, e todos os documentos oficiais sobre a epizootia emitidos pela autoridade brasileira de saúde pública entre 3 de janeiro e 28 de fevereiro de 2008. Os achados indicam que as estratégias discursivas da cobertura jornalística relativizaram o discurso da autoridade de saúde pública; priorizaram a divulgação do número de casos; enfatizaram a vacinação como o limite entre a vida e a morte, omitindo riscos do uso indiscriminado do imunobiológico; e propagaram a iminência de uma epidemia de febre amarela de grandes proporções. Essas estratégias deram novos sentidos à doença, deslocando o evento de sua forma silvestre, espacialmente restrita e de gravidade limitada, para a urbana, de caráter epidêmico e potencialmente mais grave. Secundariamente, o estudo permitiu identificar os impactos desse discurso midiático sobre o sistema nacional de imunização e os riscos a que a população foi exposta em função dos sentidos produzidos: em 2008, foram registrados 8 casos de reação grave à vacina, dos quais 6 foram a óbito.

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This study aims at analysing Brian O'Nolans literary production in the light of a reconsideration of the role played by his two most famous pseudonyms ,Flann Brien and Myles na Gopaleen, behind which he was active both as a novelist and as a journalist. We tried to establish a new kind of relationship between them and their empirical author following recent cultural and scientific surveys in the field of Humour Studies, Psychology, and Sociology: taking as a starting point the appreciation of the comic attitude in nature and in cultural history, we progressed through a short history of laughter and derision, followed by an overview on humour theories. After having established such a frame, we considered an integration of scientific studies in the field of laughter and humour as a base for our study scheme, in order to come to a definition of the comic author as a recognised, powerful and authoritative social figure who acts as a critic of conventions. The history of laughter and comic we briefly summarized, based on the one related by the French scholar Georges Minois in his work (Minois 2004), has been taken into account in the view that humorous attitude is one of man’s characteristic traits always present and witnessed throughout the ages, though subject in most cases to repression by cultural and political conservative power. This sort of Super-Ego notwithstanding, or perhaps because of that, comic impulse proved irreducible exactly in its influence on the current cultural debates. Basing mainly on Robert R. Provine’s (Provine 2001), Fabio Ceccarelli’s (Ceccarelli 1988), Arthur Koestler’s (Koestler 1975) and Peter L. Berger’s (Berger 1995) scientific essays on the actual occurrence of laughter and smile in complex social situations, we underlined the many evidences for how the use of comic, humour and wit (in a Freudian sense) could be best comprehended if seen as a common mind process designed for the improvement of knowledge, in which we traced a strict relation with the play-element the Dutch historian Huizinga highlighted in his famous essay, Homo Ludens (Huizinga 1955). We considered comic and humour/wit as different sides of the same coin, and showed how the demonstrations scientists provided on this particular subject are not conclusive, given that the mental processes could not still be irrefutably shown to be separated as regards graduations in comic expression and reception: in fact, different outputs in expressions might lead back to one and the same production process, following the general ‘Economy Rule’ of evolution; man is the only animal who lies, meaning with this that one feeling is not necessarily biuniquely associated with one and the same outward display, so human expressions are not validation proofs for feelings. Considering societies, we found that in nature they are all organized in more or less the same way, that is, in élites who govern over a community who, in turn, recognizes them as legitimate delegates for that task; we inferred from this the epistemological possibility for the existence of an added ruling figure alongside those political and religious: this figure being the comic, who is the person in charge of expressing true feelings towards given subjects of contention. Any community owns one, and his very peculiar status is validated by the fact that his place is within the community, living in it and speaking to it, but at the same time is outside it in the sense that his action focuses mainly on shedding light on ideas and objects placed out-side the boundaries of social convention: taboos, fears, sacred objects and finally culture are the favourite targets of the comic person’s arrow. This is the reason for the word a(rche)typical as applied to the comic figure in society: atypical in a sense, because unconventional and disrespectful of traditions, critical and never at ease with unblinkered respect of canons; archetypical, because the “village fool”, buffoon, jester or anyone in any kind of society who plays such roles, is an archetype in the Jungian sense, i.e. a personification of an irreducible side of human nature that everybody instinctively knows: a beginner of a tradition, the perfect type, what is most conventional of all and therefore the exact opposite of an atypical. There is an intrinsic necessity, we think, of such figures in societies, just like politicians and priests, who should play an elitist role in order to guide and rule not for their own benefit but for the good of the community. We are not naïve and do know that actual owners of power always tend to keep it indefinitely: the ‘social comic’ as a role of power has nonetheless the distinctive feature of being the only job whose tension is not towards stability. It has got in itself the rewarding permission of contradiction, for the very reason we exposed before that the comic must cast an eye both inside and outside society and his vision may be perforce not consistent, then it is satisfactory for the popularity that gives amongst readers and audience. Finally, the difference between governors, priests and comic figures is the seriousness of the first two (fundamentally monologic) and the merry contradiction of the third (essentially dialogic). MPs, mayors, bishops and pastors should always console, comfort and soothe popular mood in respect of the public convention; the comic has the opposite task of provoking, urging and irritating, accomplishing at the same time a sort of control of the soothing powers of society, keepers of the righteousness. In this view, the comic person assumes a paramount importance in the counterbalancing of power administration, whether in form of acting in public places or in written pieces which could circulate for private reading. At this point comes into question our Irish writer Brian O'Nolan(1911-1966), real name that stood behind the more famous masks of Flann O'Brien, novelist, author of At Swim-Two-Birds (1939), The Hard Life (1961), The Dalkey Archive (1964) and, posthumously, The Third Policeman (1967); and of Myles na Gopaleen, journalist, keeper for more than 25 years of the Cruiskeen Lawn column on The Irish Times (1940-1966), and author of the famous book-parody in Irish An Béal Bocht (1941), later translated in English as The Poor Mouth (1973). Brian O'Nolan, professional senior civil servant of the Republic, has never seen recognized his authorship in literary studies, since all of them concentrated on his alter egos Flann, Myles and some others he used for minor contributions. So far as we are concerned, we think this is the first study which places the real name in the title, this way acknowledging him an unity of intents that no-one before did. And this choice in titling is not a mere mark of distinction for the sake of it, but also a wilful sign of how his opus should now be reconsidered. In effect, the aim of this study is exactly that of demonstrating how the empirical author Brian O'Nolan was the real Deus in machina, the master of puppets who skilfully directed all of his identities in planned directions, so as to completely fulfil the role of the comic figure we explained before. Flann O'Brien and Myles na Gopaleen were personae and not persons, but the impression one gets from the critical studies on them is the exact opposite. Literary consideration, that came only after O'Nolans death, began with Anne Clissmann’s work, Flann O'Brien: A Critical Introduction to His Writings (Clissmann 1975), while the most recent book is Keith Donohue’s The Irish Anatomist: A Study of Flann O'Brien (Donohue 2002); passing through M.Keith Booker’s Flann O'Brien, Bakhtin and Menippean Satire (Booker 1995), Keith Hopper’s Flann O'Brien: A Portrait of the Artist as a Young Post-Modernist (Hopper 1995) and Monique Gallagher’s Flann O'Brien, Myles et les autres (Gallagher 1998). There have also been a couple of biographies, which incidentally somehow try to explain critical points his literary production, while many critical studies do the same on the opposite side, trying to found critical points of view on the author’s restless life and habits. At this stage, we attempted to merge into O'Nolan's corpus the journalistic articles he wrote, more than 4,200, for roughly two million words in the 26-year-old running of the column. To justify this, we appealed to several considerations about the figure O'Nolan used as writer: Myles na Gopaleen (later simplified in na Gopaleen), who was the equivalent of the street artist or storyteller, speaking to his imaginary public and trying to involve it in his stories, quarrels and debates of all kinds. First of all, he relied much on language for the reactions he would obtain, playing on, and with, words so as to ironically unmask untrue relationships between words and things. Secondly, he pushed to the limit the convention of addressing to spectators and listeners usually employed in live performing, stretching its role in the written discourse to come to a greater effect of involvement of readers. Lastly, he profited much from what we labelled his “specific weight”, i.e. the potential influence in society given by his recognised authority in determined matters, a position from which he could launch deeper attacks on conventional beliefs, so complying with the duty of a comic we hypothesised before: that of criticising society even in threat of losing the benefits the post guarantees. That seemingly masochistic tendency has its rationale. Every representative has many privileges on the assumption that he, or she, has great responsibilities in administrating. The higher those responsibilities are, the higher is the reward but also the severer is the punishment for the misfits done while in charge. But we all know that not everybody accepts the rules and many try to use their power for their personal benefit and do not want to undergo law’s penalties. The comic, showing in this case more civic sense than others, helped very much in this by the non-accessibility to the use of public force, finds in the role of the scapegoat the right accomplishment of his task, accepting the punishment when his breaking of the conventions is too stark to be forgiven. As Ceccarelli demonstrated, the role of the object of laughter (comic, ridicule) has its very own positive side: there is freedom of expression for the person, and at the same time integration in the society, even though at low levels. Then the banishment of a ‘social’ comic can never get to total extirpation from society, revealing how the scope of the comic lies on an entirely fictional layer, bearing no relation with facts, nor real consequences in terms of physical health. Myles na Gopaleen, mastering these three characteristics we postulated in the highest way, can be considered an author worth noting; and the oeuvre he wrote, the whole collection of Cruiskeen Lawn articles, is rightfully a novel because respects the canons of it especially regarding the authorial figure and his relationship with the readers. In addition, his work can be studied even if we cannot conduct our research on the whole of it, this proceeding being justified exactly because of the resemblances to the real figure of the storyteller: its ‘chapters’ —the daily articles— had a format that even the distracted reader could follow, even one who did not read each and every article before. So we can critically consider also a good part of them, as collected in the seven volumes published so far, with the addition of some others outside the collections, because completeness in this case is not at all a guarantee of a better precision in the assessment; on the contrary: examination of the totality of articles might let us consider him as a person and not a persona. Once cleared these points, we proceeded further in considering tout court the works of Brian O'Nolan as the works of a unique author, rather than complicating the references with many names which are none other than well-wrought sides of the same personality. By putting O'Nolan as the correct object of our research, empirical author of the works of the personae Flann O'Brien and Myles na Gopaleen, there comes out a clearer literary landscape: the comic author Brian O'Nolan, self-conscious of his paramount role in society as both a guide and a scourge, in a word as an a(rche)typical, intentionally chose to differentiate his personalities so as to create different perspectives in different fields of knowledge by using, in addition, different means of communication: novels and journalism. We finally compared the newly assessed author Brian O'Nolan with other great Irish comic writers in English, such as James Joyce (the one everybody named as the master in the field), Samuel Beckett, and Jonathan Swift. This comparison showed once more how O'Nolan is in no way inferior to these authors who, greatly celebrated by critics, have nonetheless failed to achieve that great public recognition O’Nolan received alias Myles, awarded by the daily audience he reached and influenced with his Cruiskeen Lawn column. For this reason, we believe him to be representative of the comic figure’s function as a social regulator and as a builder of solidarity, such as that Raymond Williams spoke of in his work (Williams 1982), with in mind the aim of building a ‘culture in common’. There is no way for a ‘culture in common’ to be acquired if we do not accept the fact that even the most functional society rests on conventions, and in a world more and more ‘connected’ we need someone to help everybody negotiate with different cultures and persons. The comic gives us a worldly perspective which is at the same time comfortable and distressing but in the end not harmful as the one furnished by politicians could be: he lets us peep into parallel worlds without moving too far from our armchair and, as a consequence, is the one who does his best for the improvement of our understanding of things.

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Basata sul reperimento di un’ampia mole di testi giornalistici (come cronache, interviste, elzeviri e articoli di “Terza”) dedicati alle pratiche coreiche e pubblicati in Italia nel corso del ventennio fascista, la tesi ricostruisce i lineamenti di quello che, seppure ancora embrionale e certo non specialistico, si può comunque ritenere una sorta di “pensiero italiano” sulla danza del Primo Novecento. A partire dalla ricognizione sistematica di numerose testate quotidiane e periodiche e, pertanto, dalla costruzione di un nutrito corpus di fonti primarie, si è proceduto all’analisi dei testi reperiti attraverso un approccio metodologico che, fondamentalmente storiografico, accoglie tuttavia alcuni rudimenti interpretativi elaborati in ambito semiotico (con particolare riferimento alle teorizzazioni di Jurij Lotman e Umberto Eco), il tutto al fine di cogliere, pur nell’estrema varietà formale e contenutistica offerta dal materiale documentario, alcune dinamiche culturali di fondo attraverso le quali disegnare, da un lato, il panorama delle tipologie di danza effettivamente praticate sulle scene italiane del Ventennio,e, dall’altro, quello dell’insieme di pensieri, opinioni e gusti orbitanti attorno ad esse Ne è scaturita una trattazione fondamentalmente tripartita in cui, dopo la messa in campo delle questioni metodologiche, si passa dapprima attraverso l’indagine dei tre principali generi di danza che, nella stampa del periodo fascista, si ritenevano caratteristici della scena coreica internazionale – qui definiti nei termini di “ballo teatrale”, “ballo russo” e “danze libere” – e, successivamente, si presenta un approfondimento su tre singolari figure di intellettuali che, ognuno con un’attitudine estremamente personale, hanno dedicato alla danza un’attenzione speciale: Anton Giulio Bragaglia, Paolo Fabbri e Marco Ramperti. Un’ampia antologia critica completa il lavoro ripercorrendone gli snodi principali.

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This thesis will cover sports controversies throughout the 20th Century in the context of the media’s newspaper coverage of the events. The 1919 Black Sox Scandal, the debate over American participation in the 1936 Olympics, and Muhammad Ali’s conversion to the Nation of Islam, standing as a notorious public figure, and conscientious objection to the Vietnam War will represent the three sports controversies. The media’s adherence to cultural norms is clear in all three cases. The consistent devotion to the cultural and racial atmosphere of their respective eras was constant and helped to perpetuate accepted, mainstream cultural attitudes. Cultural and racial norms were followed in the coverage of the three discussed controversies. The anti-Semitism and racially intolerant sentiments in America during great waves of immigration in the early 1900s allowed for journalists to freely vilify Jews as corrupters of baseball and the ballplayers who were rumored to have thrown the 1919 World Series. The white ballplayers were supported in the press, who protected their own and blamed outsiders. Jim Crow and the Americanization movement forced African American and Jewish newspapers to limit their journalistic bias on both sides of the debate over American participation in the 1936 Berlin Olympics. The white, mainstream press was void of bias as the spirit of isolationism in America triumphed over journalist’s leanings in the Olympic debate. The racial tension created by the Civil Rights movement of the 1960s created an atmosphere that allowed mainstream journalists to heap endless criticism on Muhammad Ali as he gained fame. By portraying him as a villain of society as both a religious radical and traitor to America, journalists created a common enemy in the minds of white America. In all three cases, a pattern of journalists expressing the state of cultural and racial norms of the era is present and significant.

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Marina Katnic-Bakarsic. Linguistic Stylistics The practical, i.e. educational, objective of this research was to produce lectures on linguistic stylistics for the students of Sarajevo University, while the theoretical one was to produce a monograph on the subject. This monograph, which can also be used as a university textbook, includes twenty-nine chapters, an index of topics, a bibliography and a list of sources. The theoretical postulates are followed by examples from texts in various functional styles in Bosnian, Croatian, Serbian, and in some cases Russian or English. Linguo-stylistic problems were investigated from both the structuralist and post-structuralist points of view. Linguistic stylistics is therefore understood as a discipline which studies expressive, stylistically marked language units on all language levels, functional-stylistic language variation and various aspects of intertextuality and metatext. The author introduces a notion of stylistic competence. The stylistic competence of a speaker is directly proportional to his/her knowledge of different varieties of language (i.e. subcodes) and to the successful switching from one subcode to another. Stylistic creativity is a special segment of stylistic competence as a feature of individual style. A new classification of functional styles has also been introduced. This includes six primary styles (scientific, colloquial, administrative, publicistic, journalistic and literary-artistic) and five secondary styles (oratorical, the style of advertisements and commercials, that of comics, that of essays and that of screenplays). A special place is given to the analysis of the style of hypertext and hypermedia, which can be understood only within the post-structuralist theory of text deconstruction and intertextuality. The project also analysed some new topics, including reregistration in literary texts, gender and style of dialogue, and citations as metatextual signals and their role in different types of text. The results therefore offer a new approach to the study of linguistic stylistics both in Bosnia and Herzegovina and in the field in general.

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The 1913-14 Michigan copper strike is unlike many American labor actions of the period in that it did not include red flags or socialist anthems. Many of the most familiar photographs of the strike involve American flags, not red ones. Similarly, the songs mentioned in journalistic accounts of the strikers are American Civil War songs, not popular labor songs of the period. The few newly-written songs about the strike, published in the local newspapers, seem cautiously polite and espouse values such as patriotism, liberty and human rights. During a time when sections of the "friendly" press were concerned with labor presenting the correct image and avoiding unfavorable associations, the Copper Country strikers, and the W.F.M., seem to have been attempting to create a fresh narrative regarding what this strike was (and what it was not). This paper will consider elements of the Copper Country strike in the light of media coverage, prior to July 1913, of several American labor topics that might have influenced the way the strike was presented. Particular attention will be given to photographs, songs, and accounts from the 1912 Lawrence textile strike, as well as contemporaneous critiques of labor song lyrics. Most of this commentary will be drawn from the labor and socialist press, demonstrating that the 1913-14 Michigan copper strike occurred during a period in which the labor movement was struggling to craft and image that would display it as it wished to be seen. This paper has not yet been submitted.

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I am flattered and privileged to have received four such astute critiques of my work from an international cast. I will reflect at length about many of their points in future work but to respond fully would require a very long article and so I will highlight some of the more salient issues. The authors share misgivings about my commitment to a realist version of governmentality theory so I will try to articulate a bit more clearly how it is different from two major alternative perspectives highlighted by the authors: what I term a `discursive` governmentality perspective (Stenson 2005), and the neo-Marxist regulationist school of political economy. However, deeper normative questions are raised, for example by Wendy Larner, about what it means to be progressive or critical within the broad terrain of liberalism (which can include neo-liberals and neo-conservatives) in the wake of the collapse of communism and much of the power of western labour movements, the rise of the new emancipatory and environmental social movements and varieties of religious fundamentalism. As social scientists and university intellectuals we usually argue that our work differs from journalistic reportage or ideological polemics that gather supportive evidence through selective fact gathering. This is because we dig beneath the flux of events and surface appearances and debates to uncover the deeper structures of thought and social relations that shape our experiences and the flow of events. And we also engage with contrary evidence that troubles our truth claims. This is the work of theory. I accept that theory plays a vital role but argue for a more grounded approach rooted in empirical research using a variety of methods and data sources. Hence I adopt a more cautious approach to conceptions of the `deeper structures` we uncover. At best we can only know them through provisional heuristic modelling and it is best not to reify them.

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Das Fernsehen hat sich in vielen Gesellschaften dieser Erde zum dominierenden Medium entwickelt und ist Gegenstand andauernder Auseinandersetzungen zwischen externer Einflussnahme und journalistischer Autonomie. Im Falle Venezuelas haben die jüngsten politischen Transformationen auch innerhalb der Medienlandschaft zu massiven Veränderungen geführt. Auf Initiative der Regierung Chávez wurden mehrere staatliche Sender gegründet, die das emanzipatorische Ziel einer Demokratisierung des Fernsehens propagieren. Das "neue" Fernsehen verspricht eine "neue" Sichtweise, ausgehend von dem Konzept einer partizipativen Repräsentation, das eine weitgehende Integration aller VenezolanerInnen, vor allem der zuvor benachteiligten Klassen, auf praktischer und inhaltlicher Ebene vorsieht. Unter ihnen auch die indigenen Gruppen des Landes, die vormals entweder weitgehend ausgeblendet, oder durch klischeehafte Inhalte und klassische Stereotypen repräsentiert wurden. Welcher Platz wird nun den Indigenen im "neuen" venezolanischen Fernsehen zuteil? Wie findet Repräsentation statt und wann kann von partizipativer Repräsentation gesprochen werden? Das sind die Fragen, denen ich anhand eines Fallbeispiels aus der Perspektive der visuellen Anthropologie in diesem Beitrag nachgehen möchte.

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Skepticism toward climate change has a long tradition in the United States. We focus on mass media as the conveyors of the image of climate change and ask: Is climate change skepticism still a characteristic of US print media coverage? If so, to what degree and in what form? And which factors might pave the way for skeptics entering mass media debates? We conducted a quantitative content analysis of US print media during one year (1 June 2012 to 31 May 2013). Our results show that the debate has changed: fundamental forms of climate change skepticism (such as denial of anthropogenic causes) have been abandoned in the coverage, being replaced by more subtle forms (such as the goal to avoid binding regulations). We find no evidence for the norm of journalistic balance, nor do our data support the idea that it is the conservative press that boosts skepticism.

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La utilización de la poesía costumbrista de contenido ético-social-poesía moralizante- durante el período de guerra civil entre unitarios y federales, tuvo en la región de Cuyo un representante en el periódico federal sanjuanino El Constitucional (1835). El otro tipo de poesía a la que apelaron los periódicos en aquellos años, fue la de carácter satírico-político. A partir de la minuciosa lectura y confrontación de fuentes periodísticas inéditas y del análisis bibliográfico necesario para la elaboración del marco teórico, se demuestra la intención de escribir literatura útil a la realidad político-social y de contribuir al desarrollo integral del hombre. Las composiciones literarias analizadas corresponden estrictamente al costumbrismo de contenido ético-social, motivada por la preocupación social y moral, la lucha contra los vicios, corrupciones y falacias del ser humano.