997 resultados para Jämställdhet eller emancipation
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v.23=no.265-276 (1887)
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v.22=no.253-264 (1886)
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v.14=no.157-168 (1878)
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v.17=no.193-204 (1881)
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This thesis explores the importance of literary New York City in the urban narratives of Edith Wharton and Anzia Yezierska. It specifically looks at the Empire City of the Progressive Period when the concept of the city was not only a new theme but also very much a typical American one which was as central to the American experience as had been the Western frontier. It could be argued, in fact, that the American city had become the new frontier where modern experiences like urbanization, industrialization, immigration, and also women's emancipation and suffrage, caused all kinds of sensations on the human scale from smoothly lived assimilation and acculturation to deeply felt alienation because of the constantly shifting urban landscape. The developing urban space made possible the emergence of new female literary protagonists like the working girl, the reformer, the prostitute, and the upper class lady dedicating her life to 'conspicuous consumption'. Industrialization opened up city space to female exploration: on the one hand, upper and middle class ladies ventured out of the home because of the many novel urban possibilities, and on the other, lower class and immigrant girls also left their domestic sphere to look for paid jobs outside the home. New York City at the time was not only considered the epicenter of the world at large, it was also a city of great extremes. Everything was constantly in flux: small brownstones made way for ever taller skyscrapers and huge waves of immigrants from Europe pushed native New Yorkers further uptown on the island, adding to the crowdedness and intensity of the urban experience. The city became a polarized urban space with Fifth Avenue representing one end of the spectrum and the Lower East Side the other. Questions of space and the urban home greatly mattered. It has been pointed out that the city setting functions as an ideal means for the display of human nature as well as social processes. Narrative representations of urban space, therefore, provide a similar canvas for a protagonist's journey and development. From widely diverging vantage points both Edith Wharton and Anzia Yezierska thus create a polarized city where domesticity is a primal concern. Looking at all of their New York narratives by close readings of exterior and interior city representations, this thesis shows how urban space greatly affects questions of identity, assimilation, and alienation in literary protagonists who cannot escape the influence of their respective urban settings. Edith Wharton's upper class "millionaire" heroines are framed and contained by the city interiors of "old" New York, making it impossible for them to truly participate in the urban landscape in order to develop outside of their 'Gilt Cages'. On the other side are Anzia Yezierska's struggling "immigrant" protagonists who, against all odds, never give up in their urban context of streets, rooftops, and stoops. Their New York City, while always challenging and perpetually changing, at least allows them perspectives of hope for a 'Promised Land' in the making. Central for both urban narrative approaches is the quest for a home as an architectural structure, a spiritual resting place, and a locus for identity forming. But just as the actual city embraces change, urban protagonists must embrace change also if they desire to find fulfillment and success. That this turns out to be much easier for Anzia Yezierska's driven immigrants rather than for Edith Wharton's well established native New Yorkers is a surprising conclusion to this urban theme.
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Des années 1780, quand surgit la question de l'émancipation des juifs, à la Première Guerre mondiale, qui dément l'optimisme de la perfectibilité du genre humain cultivé par la Bildung, le « long » XIXe siècle est la scène sur laquelle se déploient les efforts d'intégration des juifs dans la société et la culture allemandes, où la Bildung, intimement liée à l'esprit du protestantisme allemand qui l'a profondément marquée de son empreinte, tient lieu de médiation. Fil conducteur de ma recherche, la Bildung me permet de montrer en quoi son idéal est devenu un élément constitutif de l'identité des juifs allemands, en même temps qu'il cesse, sous les effets de la nationalisation d'une culture allemande devenue un outil au service d'un peuple particulier, d'être le projet, certes d'une communauté donnée, mais porteur d'universalisme. De fait, tout en adhérant à sa définition originale, les juifs ont su réinterpréter l'idée de Bildung en désamorçant l'alliance entre culture, germanité et nationalisme, afin de construire une nouvelle identité judéo-allemande qui réponde aux enjeux et aux exigences de la modernité ainsi qu'aux évolutions du temps, tout en visant à la reconnaissance des valeurs et du statut du judaïsme. Dans la mesure où cet idéal de la Bildung, sous les coups du nationalisme allemand, a perdu sa portée universelle pour, dans un processus de germanisation, devenir un instrument au service du projet nationaliste, les juifs vont progressivement se voir exclus de la nation allemande, quand bien même ou précisément parce qu'ils se sont identifiés à tel point au projet initial de la Bildung qu'ils en sont devenus les garants. From the 1780s, when the question of the emancipation of the Jews emerged, until World War I-a disappointment for those who were optimistic about cultivating a perfected humanity through Bildung (education)-the "long" nineteenth century is the stage on which the efforts to integrate the Jews into German society and culture took place. In this context, Bildung, which was decidedly bound to and profoundly marked by the German Protestant spirit, served as mediation. The underlying theme of Bildung in my research enables me to show how its ideal became the constitutive element of German Jewish identity. Concurrently, under the effects of the nationalization of German culture that became a tool in the service of a specific folk, the ideal of Bildung ceased to be a project that conveyed universal meaning. In fact, although the Jewish people agreed with its original definition, they succeeded in reinterpreting the idea of Bildung by neutralizing the alliance between culture, being German, and nationalism in order to elaborate a new German-Jewish identity in reply to the challenges and requirements of modernity and the evolution of society while still recognizing the values and status of Judaism. Inasmuch as the ideal of Bildung lost its universal significance for serving the nationalist project under the influence of German nationalism, the Jews were gradually excluded from the German folk, which took place despite, or precisely because, they identified to such an extent with the original aims of Bildung that they became the guarantors for it. Das ,,lange" 19. Jahrhundert bildet die Kulisse der Integrationsbemühungen der Juden in die deutsche Gesellschaft und Kultur, von den 1780er Jahren, als die Frage nach der Judenemanzipation zutage kommt, bis zum Ersten Weltkrieg, der den Optimismus der menschlichen Verbesserungsfahigkeit durch die Bildung widerlegt. Die mit dem Geist des deutschen Protestantismus eng verbundene Bildung dient hier als Mediation. Der rote Faden der Bildung ermöglicht mir zu zeigen, inwiefern ihr Ideal wesentlich für die jüdische Identität geworden ist. Zur gleichen Zeit hat das Bildungsideal, unter der Wirkung der Nationalisierung der deutschen Kultur, die zum Werkzeug eines eigenartigen Volkes gemacht wurde, sein universales Wesen verloren. In der Tat, obwohl die Juden dem ursprünglichen Bildungsideal zustimmten, haben sie die Bildung neu interpretiert, indem sie die Verbindung zwischen Kultur, Germanentum und Nationalismus entschärft und eine neue deutsch-jüdische Identität gebildet haben, die den Herausforderungen und den Ansprüchen der Moderne sowie dem Gesellschaftswandel entsprach und gleichzeitig darauf abzielte, die Werte und den Status des Judentums zu anerkennen. Insoweit, als das Bildungsideal seine universale Geltung unter dem Einfluss des deutschen Nationalismus verloren hat, um den nationalistischen Absichten zu dienen, wurden die Juden nach und nach vom deutschen Volk ausgeschlossen, selbst wenn oder gerade weil sie sich dermassen mit dem ursprünglichen Zweck der Bildung identifiziert haben, dass sie ihre Garanten geworden sind.
Patients' preferences on information and involvement in decision-making for gastrointestinal surgery
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Objective: The relationship between physicians and patients has undergone¦important changes, and the current emancipation of patients has led to¦a real partnership in medical decision-making. This study aimed to assess¦patients' preferences on different aspects of decision-making during treatment¦and potential complications, as well as the amount and type of preoperative¦information before visceral surgery.¦Methods: Prospective non-randomized study based on a questionnaire given¦to 253 consecutive patients scheduled for elective GI surgery.¦Results: Concerning surgical complications or treatment in the intensive care¦unit, 64% of patients wished to take actively part in any medical decisions.¦The respective figures for cardiac resuscitation and treatment limitations were¦89% and 60%. About information, 73%, 77% and 47% of patients wish¦detailed information, information on a potential ICUhospitalization and cardiac¦resuscitation, respectively. Elderly and low-educated patients were significantly¦less interested in shared medical decision-making (p = 0·003 and 0·015) and in¦information receiving (p = 0·03 and 0·05). Similarly, involvement of the family¦in decision-making was significantly less important in elderly and male patients¦(p = 0·05 and 0·03 respectively). Neither the type of operation (minor or major)¦nor the severity of disease (malignancies vs. non-malignancies) was a significant¦factor for shared decision-making, information or family involvement.¦Conclusion: The vast majority of surgical patients clearly want to get adequate¦preoperative information about their disease and the planned treatment. They¦also consider it as crucial to be involved in any kind of decision-making for¦treatment and complications. The family's role is limited to support the treating¦physicians if the patient is unable to participate in taking decisions.
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This project is a study of the men's movement in Switzerland, especially regarding organizations seeking to redefine male identity. So far, this topic has been understudied, in Switzerland. The few studies available on the subject mostly adopt a (pro)feminist perspective. Their main purpose is to criticize men's movement participants. What is more, scarce researches on this problem mostly conducted by members of the Swiss men's movement themselves are mainly descriptive and methodologically problematic. In this context, I initiated the first national and sociological study of the men's movement in Switzerland. My main goals are: firstly, to propose a typology of organizations forming the men's movement in Switzerland. Secondly, I develop a sociological analysis of this phenomenon, taking into account in this process especially the characteristics of the Swiss context. Consequently, I adopted a mixed method approach, which included two main research steps: Firstly, I defined a representative sample of men's movement organizations in Switzerland. Based on a content analysis of men's organizations' websites, I was able to distinguish three ideal-types: Radical Criticism of Masculinity, Criticism of Hegemonic Masculinity, Defense of Men and Traditional Masculinity. Based on these three concepts, I subsequently analyzed the discourse on masculinity amongst men's movement organizations. Secondly, I conducted a survey of men's movement participants. This survey was based on the results of the content analysis. In this particular stage, I mainly used factor analysis. My results show that it would be all too simplistic to characterize the men's movement, in Switzerland, as a criticism of women's emancipation. On the contrary, my analysis reveals a more complex picture: The two main factors, which influence the men's movement, in Switzerland, are the contemporary sociological context and the Swiss society's particular features. I find that male roles, on the one hand, depend very much on today's cultural shift from materialistic to self-expression values. On the other hand, male role models reflect a social adaptation process. Moreover, as a reaction to deep changes in contemporary family structures, I observe an individualization process, characterized by separation between parental and conjugal functions that greatly shapes male role models. - Cette thèse analyse le phénomène des hommes en mouvement, dans le contexte de la Suisse. Cet ensemble est formé d'organisations regroupant des hommes impliqués consciemment dans un processus d'actions et de réflexions sur l'identité masculine. La revue de la littérature révèle qu'en Suisse, le sujet des hommes en mouvement est très peu étudié. Jusqu'ici, les rares recherches s'y intéressant adoptent généralement une approche (pro)féministe, dont l'objectif est de dénoncer ce phénomène. En outre, de rares recherches, issues des acteurs mêmes de ce mouvement, proposent une vue descriptive de l'ensemble, mais souffrant de faiblesses méthodologiques. Par notre recherche, nous souhaitons contribuer à l'étude de ce sujet, en initiant la première étude d'envergure nationale portant sur les hommes en mouvement. L'objectif final est de déboucher sur une typologie des organisations réunissant les hommes en mouvement, puis sur une analyse de la spécificité de cet ensemble, dans le contexte suisse. Pour remplir ces objectifs, nous avons mis en place un dispositif de méthodes mixtes, en deux phases. Lors d'une première étape, nous avons sélectionné un échantillon représentatif de la diversité des organisations masculines. Par une analyse de contenu effectuée sur la documentation récoltée sur les sites Internet de ces dernières, nous avons pu, en utilisant une démarche inductive et qualitative, faire émerger trois idéaux-types : Critique radicale de la masculinité, Critique de la masculinité hégémonique, Défense des hommes et de la masculinité traditionnelle. Ces concepts permettent de rendre compte, de manière schématique, des trois types de discours contemporains sur l'identité masculine diffusés par les hommes en mouvement. Lors d'une seconde étape, nous avons réalisé une enquête auprès des membres des organisations masculines. Pour y parvenir, nous avons créé un questionnaire incluant des propositions élaborées à partir des résultats de l'étape précédente. Lors de cette phase, nous avons réalisé une analyse factorielle. Les résultats montrent que le phénomène du mouvement des hommes ne saurait se réduire, en Suisse, à un mouvement de ressac visant à attaquer les droits des femmes. Au contraire, il s'agit d'un phénomène complexe, fortement dépendant du contexte sociologique contemporain et des caractéristiques de la société helvétique. Nous affirmons, entre autres, que les modèles masculins observables dans cet ensemble sont façonnés, d'une part, par une transition culturelle, caractérisée par le passage des valeurs matérialistes aux valeurs d'expression de soi. D'autre part, les modèles masculins prônés par les hommes en mouvement reflètent un processus d'adaptation sociale. En effet, en réaction au contexte de reconfiguration des formes familiales, on assiste à une individualisation des rapports de filiation et au détachement de la fonction parentale et conjugale, qui imprègnent fortement les modèles masculins défendus par ces hommes.
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This paper draws on field research conducted among a group of resettled slum(1) dwellers in the west of Bengaluru, and analyzes women's collective engagement to improve the provision of urban services in low-income neighbourhoods. The paper argues the need to deepen the focus on urban poor mobilizations below the level of the urban poor as a group - to look at the various groups, and the differences, divergences and contradictions within. Using gender as a differential, the paper focuses on women who dominate local neighbourhood level initiatives within low-income settlements, and analyzes their specific opportunities and constraints as actors within the larger domain of urban poor mobilizations. It proposes that these seemingly insignificant day-to-day negotiations diverge from more individual forms of "leadership", creating a political space at the lowest level of the neighbourhood where the projects of material improvement and emancipation take place simultaneously.
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While regulation theory literature has made important contributions to the much-debated domain of globalisation by focusing on various aspects of post-Fordism, it has not yet fully engaged with the implications that can be drawn from critical approaches in international political economy. Recent studies have explored the transnational bases of new patterns and agents of change beyond states, firms and institutions traditionally involved in regulatory practices. Hybrid is often used as a default attribute reflecting lack of clear understanding of the breadth of this new type of influence and the opacity of the means involved. Drawing on the insights of philology and mythology, the paper argues that the notion of hybrid is relevant in elucidating the ontological ambiguity between imaginary and real aspects of globalisation. Furthermore, it specifies the categories involved in the analysis of emerging forms of hybrid regulation. Recent scholarship on globalisation tends to focus on the private-public nexus of the subjects involved in new forms of institutional arrangements and authority. Here, subjects, objects and space are analysed as joint issues. By focusing particularly on transformations affecting the role of the state, forms of competition, and their rescaling on a transnational basis, the concept of global hybrid is seen as complementary to the emancipation of regulation approaches from early emphasis on national levels of compromises.
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Cette thèse entend apporter un éclairage sur l'histoire politique et sociale de la Suisse des années 68, en étudiant l'articulation entre les mouvements anti-impérialistes et la nouvelle gauche radicale, alors foisonnante. Il s'agit d'analyser cette période de contestation au prisme de l'anti-impérialisme révolutionnaire, lequel, dans le contexte de l'opposition à la guerre du Vietnam, a fortement imprégné le mouvement protestataire, en assignant notamment au tiers-monde le rôle de sujet de l'émancipation mondiale. Combinant une triple approche - chronologique, thématique et biographique - ce travail est structuré en quatre parties. La première partie esquisse un panorama des mouvements anti-impérialistes des années 1960 et 1970 en Suisse, avec une focalisation sur les «années anti-imp», entre 1968 et 1975. La deuxième interroge le rapport entre anti¬impérialisme et nouvelle gauche radicale, en proposant une typologie des principaux courants. La troisième partie s'attache à examiner le système de représentations du monde et de la Suisse véhiculé par le discours de l'extrême gauche. Prenant pour objet le militantisme, la dernière partie esquisse un portrait de groupe de la « génération anti-imp », fondé sur une enquête prosopographique et sur un corpus d'entretiens réalisés avec des militants de l'époque. L'étude révèle que l'anti-impérialisme a fourni à la contestation soixante-huitarde un cadre conceptuel et analytique, un facteur de structuration, ainsi qu'un vecteur de mobilisation. Il a en particulier permis à la gauche radicale suisse d'inscrire sa lutte anticapitaliste locale dans un horizon global d'émancipation. L'analyse de l'anti-impérialisme révolutionnaire, qui a connu son apogée dans les années 68 avant de connaître un déclin rapide et presque total, invite à appréhender cette « décennie mouvementée » comme la fin d'un long cycle politique. -- This thesis aims to shed light on the social and political history of Switzerland in the 1960s and 1970s by studying the relationship between anti-imperialist movements and the emerging new radical left. It analyses this time of rebellion through the prism of revolutionary anti-imperialism. In the context of opposition to the Vietnam War, anti-imperialism strongly influenced protest movements, notably by assigning to the Third World the role of main actor in the fight for global emancipation. Combining a threefold approach - chronological, thematic and biographical - this work is structured in four parts. The first part provides a panorama of the anti-imperialist movements of the long 1960s in Switzerland with a focus on the « anti-imp years » between 1968 and 1975. The second part questions the relationship between anti-imperialism and the new radical left and proposes a typology of its main currents. The third part examines how the radical left's discourse represented the world, and Switzerland in particular. The last part addresses the question of activism and outlines a group portrait of the « anti-imp generation » based on a prosopographical study and on a body of interviews with former activists. This study reveals that anti-imperialism, besides serving as an agent of mobilization, provided a conceptual and ideological framework, as well as a structuring factor, to the protest movements. In particular, it enabled the Swiss radical left to fit its local anti-capitalist struggle into a global horizon of emancipation. This analysis of revolutionary anti- imperialism, which had its heyday in the 1960s and 1970s before experiencing a rapid and almost total decline, thus invites us to see this « turbulent decade » as the end of a long political cycle.
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Aquest projecte és l’exemplificació del punt on la teoria i la pràctica s’uneixen. Mostra com la tasca socioeducativa que es duu a terme a un recurs on es dóna atenció residencial a joves (majors d’edat) amb una mesura judicial de règim obert, pot encaixar perfectament amb el que teoria de la resiliència argumenta. S’utilitza el model resilient de la casita el qual es fa servir de cinc possibles àrees d’intervenció. Es tracta d’un estudi on es justifiquen les raons de per què el Pis de Joves d’Emancipació pot ser definit com una Institució Resilient
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Most stereotypes about Africans and their descendants started with colonialism in the fifteenth century. The encounter between Africans and Europeans facilitated the creation of myths and stereotypes about the colonized peoples, which were made effective through the naturalization of differences. The relationship between skin color and slavery developed to produce a racialized system of forced labor on which colonialism depended for its survival. Stereotypes functioned to legitimize colonial authority by building the notion that the colonizer ruled over the colonized because of an innate superiority. Therefore, stereotyping is an effective "discursive strategy" (Bhabha) based on fixity and repetition with the aim of controlling the other. Harriet Beecher Stowe’s Uncle Tom’s Cabin and José Evaristo D’Almeida O Escravo both denounced the evils of slavery in the United States of America and Cape Verde respectively, claiming for the end of the institution. However, they are both ambivalent towards slaves and blacks, being unable to envisage social equality for the two races. Both authors construct their black characters as stereotypical others, but they depict the light-skin characters as superior both culturally and physically. The bi-racial characters are portrayed as the ones who possess beauty and intelligence as an inheritance from their European ancestry, while blacks are relegated to the margins. We need to consider, however, that slavery in Cape Verde had different characteristics from its counterpart in the United States of America. In Cape Verde the Africans outnumbered the Europeans and that circumstance favored miscegenation and the emergence of forms of mixed culture, which came to be seen as positive and natural. In the United States of America miscegenation was regarded as a taboo since early. And even after Emancipation, “the one-drop rule” made the offspring of an African descendant black, however 'white' he or she might be.
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Neste trabalho abordamos a intervenção nativista de alguns intelectuais africanos de Cabo Verde com o objectivo de clarificar o seu significado e alcance político. Apesar do seu empenho na defesa dos cabo-verdianos contra a opressão colonial portuguesa, aqueles intelectuais não conseguiriam gerar um movimento anti-colonial capaz de conduzir a colónia à independência, mas deixaram às novas gerações um legado político e cultural que lhes permitiu assegurar a luta pela preservação da sua identidade nacional e, finalmente, alcançar a emancipação de Cabo Verde da dominação colonial.