Union experience of social dialogue and collective participation in India

The labor regulatory framework in India provides a conducive environment for social dialogue and collective participation in the organizational decision-making process (Venkata Ratnam, 2009). Using data from a survey of workplace union representatives in the federal state of Maharashtra, India, this paper examines union experiences of social dialogue and collective participation in public services, private manufacturing, and private services sector. Findings indicate that collective worker participation and voice is at best modest in the public services but weak in the private manufacturing and private services. There is evidence of growing employer hostility to unions and employer refusal to engage in a meaningful social dialogue with unions. These findings are discussed within the political economy framework of employment relations in India examining the role of the state and judiciary in employment relations and, the links between political parties and trade unions in India.

Caste, class and Trade Unionism in India

The caste system in India and its exploitative nature has been well researched (Siddique 2011 Gupta 2000). However, the role of caste in Indian employment relations and in particular its role in the labor movement in India is yet to be fully explored. The primary aim of this paper is to examine the rise of caste- based trade unions in India over the past decade. Specifically, we aim to examine why the lower-caste workers (historically treated as untouchables, referred to as ‘Dalits’and officially designated as Scheduled Caste and Tribes) are leaving established trade unions to organize their own unions along caste lines? While fragmentation of trade unions is a well-known phenomenon both in India and in the Western World (Shyam Sundar 2015; Connolly et al. 2014), the rise of caste based trade unions is a relatively new phenomenon which is yet to be fully explored. Caste based trade unionism appears to be counter-intuitive when the conventional logic suggests that unions are class based collective institutions which represent the interest of the working classes (Ramaswamy 1976). The Indian trade union movement has historically been fragmented along political ideological lines ranging from moderate unions affiliated to the Congress Party to the militant unions affiliated to the Communist and Socialist parties. However, the rise of caste-based trade unions of the lower caste workers is a relatively new phenomenon. Our findings from surveys and interviews with mainstream unions and caste-based trade unions suggest that the caste-based trade unions are unique in at least three ways. First, these unions are breaking away from well-established radical and militant union federations such as those affiliated to the Communist and Socialist parties. Second, these unions are predominantly organized on caste identities and not occupational identities or political ideologies. Third in unionized workplaces, lower caste workers are forming their own separate unions along caste lines with membership restricted only to workers of their own caste instead of joining the mainstream unions where present. We examine these issues using the analytical framework of Paulo Freire (1970) – dialogics, praxis and cultural oppression and relate it with the insights from comparative politics which examine the role of actors & their interests within institutions (Peters 2011).

Do labour laws protect labour in India? Union experiences of workplace employment regulations in Maharashtra India

The debate over labour market regulations in India is highly polarised. Advocates of labour market deregulation suggest that the labour law framework in the country confers disproportionate powers on workers and trade unions in the formal sector of the economy, resulting in industrial conflicts and poor productivity. Using workplace union survey data from the state of Maharashtra, this paper examines the veracity of these claims. Maharashtra is recognised as a state with a broadly pro-worker labour law framework. We find that even pro-worker labour laws at best offer only weak protection to workers and unions in the formal sector establishments. Unions find themselves increasingly vulnerable to employer hostility. We discuss these findings in the context of the role of state and judiciary in employment relations and of union links with political parties.

A környezethez való jog és a Kiotói Jegyzőkönyv (Right to environment and Kyoto Protocol)

A Kiotói Jegyzőkönyv az 1992-ben Rio de Janeiro-ban megrendezésre került Környezet és Fejlődés Világkonferenciáján elfogadott nyilatkozatának 1997-ben aláírt kiegészítő jegyzőkönyve. A Kiotói Jegyzőkönyvben minden aláíró ország vállalta, hogy egy bizonyos százalékos arányban csökkenti országában a kibocsátott üvegházhatást okozó gázok mennyiségét, ezáltal mérsékelve a globális felmelegedés előrehaladtát. A Jegyzőkönyvhöz az Egyesült Államok és több fejlő ország, mint Kína vagy India gazdasági megfontolásból másrészt politikai szűklátókörűségből nem csatlakozott. Ez azonban a komoly aggályokat vet fel azzal kapcsolatban, hogy a környezetvédelmi szabályokat betartó államok erőfeszítései önmagában elegendőek lesznek-e a globális felmelegedés megállítására, de legalábbis csökkentésére. _____________ The Kyoto Protocol signed in the Japanese city in Kyoto in 1997 is a supplemental document to the United Nations Conference on Environment and Development organized in Rio de Janeiro. In the Kyoto Protocol individual countries have mandatory emissions targets for the greenhouse gases they must meet to slow down global warming. The United States of America, and several developing countries, as China and India did not yet joined the Protocol partly because of economic reasons and other ways because of narrow-minded political interests. This brings up serious doubt weather the efforts of the parties of the Protocol can make any change in the recent global processes.

Magyar tulajdonú vállalatok versenyképessége kínai piacokon = Hungarian Firms’ Competitiveness in China

E kutatás célja áttekinteni, hogy milyen jellegű gazdasági kapcsolatokkal, versenyképességgel, tapasztalatokkal rendelkeznek magyar tulajdonú vállalatok Kínában. Kína gazdasága globálisan meghatározó, s egyúttal Magyarország tíz legnagyobb külkereskedelmi partnere között van. A kutatás kiemelt kérdései (a) milyen okok, motivációk indítják el a hazai cégeket Kína felé; (b) milyen folyamat révén, hogyan, mennyi idő alatt, milyen ráfordításokkal zajlik le a kínai jelenlét előkészítése, megtervezése, majd pedig megvalósítása; (c) hogyan szerzik meg a vezetők a szükséges információkat (pl. lehetséges kínai társasági jogi formákról, lokációkról); (d) milyen eredményekkel zárul ez a folyamat és milyen tanulságokat szűrnek le a vezetők; (e) melyek a kínai piaci jelenlét, működés legfontosabb tapasztalatai. A fenti kérdésekre alapvetően öt hazai vállalati esettanulmány összegzése ad választ. De emellett jelen tanulmány része a releváns elméleti és gyakorlati szakirodalom feldolgozása, a kínai gazdasági környezet sokrétű bemutatása, a kínai és magyar gazdasági kapcsolatok statisztikai elemzése, külföldi benchmark adatok gyűjtése. _______ The goal of this research to review what kind of economic relations, competitiveness and experiences Hungarian-owned firms have in China. Chinese economy is globally determining, and – in addition – China is one of Hungary’s ten biggest foreign trade partners. The main topics and questions of the research are: (a) what causes and motives encourage domestic companies to turn to the Chinese markets; (b) what are the phases of the process, what are the required time and costs of the preparation, planning and realization of establishing the presence in China; (c) how Hungarian managers gather the information needed (concerning e.g. possible Chinese corporate legal forms, locations); (d) what are the typical results of these processes and the lessons learned and emphasized by the managers; (e) what are the most important experiences of the firms’ operation in China. Five case studies on Hungarian firms answer the above-mentioned questions. But moreover the elaboration of the relevant theoretical and practical literature, the detailed description of the Chinese economical environment, the statistical analysis of the Chinese-Hungarian economical relations and the collection of foreign benchmark data are as well parts of this study.

Pivot or periphery? Xinjiang's regional development and Chinese-Central Asian relations at the century's end

Xinjiang, once described by Owen Lattimore as the "pivot of Asia", has played a strategically important role in China's national defense and security. Historically linked on the famous Silk Road with Central Asia, Xinjiang was crucial to East-West economic and cultural exchanges. During the period of Russian/Soviet expansion into Central Asia and Sino-Soviet rivalry, China's need for Xinjiang's defense and territorial integrity became paramount, and consequently Xinjiang's economy was relegated to the periphery.^ The demise of the Soviet Union--which resulted in the independence of five Central Asian states--and China's reform suggest dramatic new possibilities for Xinjiang's regional development as well as interregional cooperation. As China has begun to shift regional emphasis to the interior, Xinjiang's economic development will be accelerated. With the growth of Sino/Xinjiang-Central Asian relations, Xinjiang's importance will not only be borne out in terms of defense and security, but more significantly in terms of trade and economics. At the century's end and the beginning of the 21st century, Xinjiang will likely move away from the periphery and play an increasingly pivotal role in the economy. ^

Understanding China's climate change mitigation policy development: Structures, processes and outcomes

Climate change is one of the most important and urgent issues of our time. Since 2006, China has overtaken the United States as the world’s largest greenhouse gas (GHG) emitter. China’s role in an international climate change solution has gained increased attention. Although much literature has addressed the functioning, performance, and implications of existing climate change mitigation policies and actions in China, there is insufficient literature that illuminates how the national climate change mitigation policies have been formulated and shaped. This research utilizes the policy network approach to explore China’s climate change mitigation policy making by examining how a variety of government, business, and civil society actors have formed networks to address environmental contexts and influence the policy outcomes and changes. The study is qualitative in nature. Three cases are selected to illustrate structural and interactive features of the specific policy network settings in shaping different policy arrangements and influencing the outcomes in the Chinese context. The three cases include the regulatory evolution of China’s climate change policy making; the country’s involvement in the Clean Development Mechanism (CDM) activity, and China’s exploration of voluntary agreement through adopting the Top-1000 Industrial Energy Conservation Program. The historical analysis of the policy process uses both primary data from interviews and fieldwork, and secondary data from relevant literature. The study finds that the Chinese central government dominates domestic climate change policy making; however, expanded action networks that involve actors at all levels have emerged in correspondence to diverse climate mitigation policy arrangements. The improved openness and accessibility of climate change policy network have contributed to its proactive engagement in promoting mitigation outcomes. In conclusion, the research suggests that the policy network approach provides a useful tool for studying China’s climate change policy making process. The involvement of various types of state and non-state actors has shaped new relations and affected the policy outcomes and changes. In addition, through the cross-case analysis, the study challenges the “fragmented authoritarianism” model and argues that this once-influential model is not appropriate in explaining new development and changes of policy making processes in contemporary China.

Blue Development: Analyzing the Role of the State in the Rise of Aquaculture in India

In this paper, I analyze the processes that transformed aquaculture into a major export industry in India, in order to understand the role aquaculture has as a social and economic development strategy of the Indian state. The discussion employs a political ecology approach as I explore the complex relations between access and control of India’s coastal resources, society, and economy. I argue that many of the forces that initiated the development of aquaculture in India, namely the involvement of the Indian state, continue to shape the industry today. I also discuss how despite widespread social conflict, the shrimp farming industry, in particular, continues to thrive and grow in rural India. My analysis utilizes ethnographic and archival data collected over the course of 9 months of fieldwork in Tamil Nadu, India. Keywords: rural development, aquaculture, India, State, ethnography

Is social partnership the way forward for Indian trade unions? Evidence from public services in India

Trade unions in India find themselves excluded from the political process and marginalized in collective bargaining in the post economic reforms period since 1991. Influential policy analysts and academics alike have called upon Indian trade unions to engage in social partnership with employers as a route to regain influence and protect workers’ interests. Using survey and interview data from two large national trade union federations in Maharashtra India, this article examines whether social partnership is a viable option for Indian trade unions as an industrial relations approach. Findings indicate that despite a supportive labour regulatory framework which in theory should facilitate cooperative industrial relations, the ground realities of workplace employment relations coupled with state indifference and judicial interventions weakens labour’s prospects for meaningful social partnership.

Exploring the relationship between women’s empowerment and the internet in China: potentials and constraints

This thesis reports on an exploratory study of the relationship between the Internet and women’s empowerment in China. The theoretical framework of the study combines feminist theorisations of power – the core concept of empowerment – with insights from sociological perspectives on power and gender, as well as collective action theory. This allows for the conceptualisation of women’s empowerment as a dynamic process that is shaped by a set of communicative practices. Focusing on female Chinese bloggers and women’s groups of different organisational types, this study aims to explore the respective ways in which these two types of women actors use the Internet with a view to examining whether, and the extent to which it enables them to generate a sense of empowerment. The empirical data mainly derives from interviews with female bloggers and with staff members from different women’s groups, as well as from a features analysis and social network analysis of the sampled blogs and official websites of studied groups. Overall, the findings suggest that the opportunities offered by the Internet for women’s empowerment through awareness-raising, social interactions, and the organising of collective action, are limited. For female bloggers, their activities do not translate the new communicative practices afforded by the Internet into concrete action to bring about changes in their everyday life. On the contrary, blogs become an alternative platform to discipline their behaviours and to reinforce patriarchal gendered norms. Moreover, the research finds that the promise of empowerment is further undermined by the pervasive commercialisation of the Internet and state control. For women’s groups, contextual factors prevent them from fully realising the potential of the Internet for increasing their organisational visibility, promoting public awareness about gender issues, building a sense of the collective, campaigning, or networking. The major barriers in these processes are state control, a lack of resources, online censorship, and at times, competition from commercial sites. In this respect, the Internet does not play a significant role in forming a collective to challenge existing unjust power relations.

La traducción de la literatura china en España

En general, España es un país que no tiene una tradición sólida en la sinología. La traducción de la literatura china en España todavía no llega a un nivel satisfactorio y muchas obras originales todavía siguen sumidas en el desconocimiento. En comparación con los flujos de traducción de las obras occidentales, sobre todo las obras literarias de Gran Bretaña, Francia y Estados Unidos, la traducción de aquellas todavía ocupa una cuota reducida. En la recepción de la narrativa china en España, la traducción indirecta ha desempeñado un papel de suma importancia, lo que se debe en gran medida a la dependencia del círculo editorial español de las culturas europeas de poder. Esta situación desequilibrada pone de manifiesto las relaciones asimétricas entre lenguas y culturas.

Ventajas de aplicar la triangulación empresarial entre España, China y América Latina. Una relación win-win para todos los polos

España tiene la oportunidad de desempeñar un papel importante en el proceso de internacionalización de las empresas chinas hacia Europa y América Latina gracias a la histórica experiencia de las multinacionales españolas en estas regiones. Puesto que las relaciones diplomáticas entre España y China gozan de buena sintonía, si España aprovecha la posición de privilegio respecto al resto de economías europeas, el gigante asiático podría estar interesado en el apoyo de España en América Latina, propiciando así la implantación de iniciativas de cooperación entre los tres polos. Los puntos clave para construir una relación win-win en clave triangular es la importancia de un socio local para profundizar en su despliegue internacional en América Latina, que las empresas chinas requieren, además del expertise y know-how necesarios en los procesos operativos, siendo en estos ámbitos las empresas españolas las mejor posicionadas.

At the dawn of Italo-Chinese modern relations: Ludovico Nocentini's experience

In 1904 Ludovico Nocentini described China as a hub of colonial and commercial development for European powers. Europe in the Far East and the Italian Interests in China was Nocentini’s last and most critical book, in which he compared the performance of the Italian government with that of other countries and showed Rome’s inefficiency overseas. The book expatiated on the “carving up” of China into spheres of influence by the Western powers, while examining how the Italian government’s scant regard for the definition and pursuit of the country’s national interest jeopardized not only the development of its colonial policy, but also its foreign trade and industrial progress.

Tianjin sales of land by auctions:Italian Colonialism in the early twentieth century China

s a signatory to the Boxer Protocol in 1901, Italy came into possession of the Tianjin concession, its only colonial possession in China. The Italian settlement was situated on the Hai River, and most of the land consisted of cemeteries and salt deposits. Italian administration of the settlement encountered many difficulties. Expropriation of land from the Chinese occupants was not easy, and it proved equally difficult to attract Italian investors. However despite the fact that Italian public opinion supported the abandonment of the concession, the Italian government was ultimately obliged to undertake a project for its urban development. Success in Tianjin became a national challenge for Italy, with the National Trust providing the necessary economic support. The history of the Italian settlement in Tianjin therefore sheds light on the politics of colonialism and on Italy's economic and political agendas at the turn of the twentieth century.