898 resultados para Ideological genon


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Este articulo analiza las transformaciones políticas e ideológicas que tuvieron lugar en Guayaquil entre 1809 y 1820, período en el que la ciudad transitó de un marcado fidelismo hacia la autonomía e independencia. Se estudian las disputas entre los grupos de poder local y las reacciones del cabildo a las sucesivas coyunturas peninsulares y regionales. El ensayo muestra la relación entre las tensiones sociales internas y la dinámica, hasta ahora desconocida, de las diferentes elecciones ocurridas entre 1809 y 1813, as¡ como el impacto local de la vigencia y posterior supresión de la constitución gatidatana. El estudio concluye con una reconsideración de la independencia guayaquileña de 1820.

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El artículo tiene el propósito de reflexionar sobre el (re)surgimiento de la acción colectiva en forma de (nuevos) movimientos sociales en Bolivia, más allá de su posición contestaria a los modelos hegemónicos en boga. Estos movimientos no solo se convirtieron en sujetos políticos-ideológicos con capacidad de generar propuestas alternativas a los modelos hegemónicos, sino con la capacidad epistémica de cuestionar los supuestos básicos del orden hegemónico.

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Este artículo presenta un análisis de las ventajas y desventajas que traería consigo la firma de un TLC andino con Estados Unidos. A partir del acercamiento a diferentes sectores de la economía andina, el autor determina quienes podrían ser los posibles perdedores y ganadores con la firma de un Tratado de este tipo. La inexistencia de una agenda productiva interna en cada uno de los países, es señalada como una de las principales desventajas que tienen los andinos para poder aprovechar las ventajas que representaría la firma de un TLC y para poder convertir en oportunidades las exigencias que el mismo plantea. El desarrollo de un debate sustentado en criterios técnicos y políticos, más allá de fundamentos ideológicos, es para el autor el elemento central del cual se debe partir para determinar la conveniencia del TLC.

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Durante los años del colapso de la monarquía española, el Virreinato del Perú estuvo gobernado por Fernando de Abascal, quien, en alianza con la élíte de Lima, aplicó una política de represión en términos ideológicos y militares ante cualquier intento separatista o revolucionario, tanto dentro de su jurisdicción virreinal como fuera de ella, entre cuyos territorios vecinos estaban Quito, Chile y Charcas. Asimismo, mediante esta estrategia, el Virreinato de Lima intentó recuperar parte de la influencia perdida en América del Sur como consecuencia de la aplicación de las reformas borbónicas, especialmente durante la segunda mitad del siglo XVIII. El presente artículo pone atención a la respuesta de Lima contra al movimiento insurgente desatado en Quito a partir de 1809.

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Luego de ubicar a Ángel F. Rojas entre los ensayistas de temas literarios de su generación, la autora sustenta la vigencia del crítico lojano. Más allá de que no exista, en el siglo XX, ningún otro estudio de similar alcance sobre la novela ecuatoriana, plantea que los méritos de esta obra radican en los criterios de periodización empleados, en que los juicios emitidos se sustentan en criterios estéticos, y en que jerarquiza las obras de acuerdo a su valor literario, no se trata de crítica impresionista o biografista, ni sesgada negativamente por consideraciones ideológicas. Rojas incluye, entonces, tres rasgos propios de la moderna crítica literaria: el deslinde, el establecimiento de jerarquías y la emisión de juicios sustentados en la literaturidad de las obras. Un buen número de las conclusiones del autor mantiene actualidad, igual ocurre con la significación de muchas de ellas en el canon del país. El texto de Rojas inicia la moderna crítica literaria ecuatoriana, y mantiene su lugar referencial entre los estudios de la novela en este país.

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Under present historical conditions of extreme social inequity, sustained by structural impoverishment, the destruction of living conditions and deterioration of environmental integrity, under the logic of big business, and precisely when the people’s organizations are working intensely in defending creatively human rights and health, academic public health evidences an exasperating passiveness; university departments, local and federal government agencies and even non-governmental organizations, keep implementing ineffective and innocuous health programs -some of them sustained by an expensive propaganda apparatus- that reproduce the same conventional plans, most of which end up reinforcing the rules of the neoliberal game. The present paper seeks to explain this historical surrender of public health; the institutional incapacity to foresee the structural roots of that flourishing pathology of inequity; and its divorce from the struggle of the most progressive social organizations. To accomplish this critique of hegemonic public health, the author analyzes the historical and epistemological roots of that “blindness” and the ideological fundaments of that political passiveness.

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En Ecuador. Journal de Voyage (1929) Henri Michaux quisiera ir más allá del vértigo del vacío y de la nada, dar con los significados que se le escapan, dar quizás con lo “transreal”. Con esa lente, y teniendo en cuenta el contexto histórico e ideológico, hay que entrar en la relación del autor belga-francés a lo largo del Atlántico, por la región andina ecuatoriana, y por la Amazonía. Por eso vale ilustrar, aunque sea tangencialmente, la práctica literaria que caracteriza esa obra para no hacer de ella un mero reportaje de viaje cuando, en efecto, se trata de un libro de exigente lectura, de un esfuerzo, por no decir de un tratado, de inspiración poética, teórica, que responde a una estética y a un diseño, a una estilizada y hasta sistemática cosmovisión. Las analogías y yuxtaposiciones de inspiración vanguardista entregan un mundo en que coinciden, estallan y contrastan lo exterior y lo interior, lo dinámico y lo estático, lo cotidiano y lo extraño, lo íntimo y lo vasto, lo sagrado y lo profano, lo limitado y lo infinito. Palabras clave: Henri Michaux, viaje, búsqueda, historia, Ecuador/ecuador, Europa, Atlántico, Andes, Amazonía, yuxtaposición, contraste, analogías, espacio, viviendas rústicas, música, remedos, límites, borroso, infinito.

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This paper explores the financial implications of converting to organic farming in Great Britain through a case study of farmers considering conversion in 2002. Most study farmers were motivated to convert for financial, not ideological or life-style reasons; organic meat production was the most common planned enterprise, although those choosing to produce milk, vegetables and cereals were also studied in depth. At the time of study, organic beef and sheep meat production was particularly profitable. It was found that, in these product sectors, a large improvement in Family Farm Income would result if organic production was introduced on the case study farms. With few exceptions, a fall in Family Farm Income during the conversion period would not be an obstacle to farmers changing to organic methods. Fixed cost changes would also not deter conversion but expensive investment in new livestock and appropriate buildings would be required by some of those businesses studied. These findings are, however, dependent upon the price premia assumptions used and, whilst these premia have dropped slightly since the time of study, this would lessen the financial shortfall during the conversion period. There is also the possibility that reversion to conventional agricultural production might occur, perhaps at a faster rate than the original conversion process that was taking place around the turn of the century.

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This paper argues that transatlantic hybridity connects space, visual style and ideological point of view in British television action-adventure fiction of the 1960s–1970s. It analyses the relationship between the physical location of TV series production at Elstree Studios, UK, the representation of place in programmes, and the international trade in television fiction between the UK and USA. The TV series made at Elstree by the ITC and ABC companies and their affiliates linked Britishness with an international modernity associated with the USA, while also promoting national specificity. To do this, they drew on film production techniques that were already common for TV series production in Hollywood. The British series made at Elstree adapted versions of US industrial organization and television formats, and made programmes expected to be saleable to US networks, on the basis of British experiences in TV co-production with US companies and of the international cinema and TV market.

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Aleks Sierz in his important survey of mid 1990s drama has identified the plays of Sarah Kane as exemplars of what he terms ‘In-Yer Face’ theatre. Sierz argues that Kane and her contemporaries such as Mark Ravenhill and Judy Upton represent a break with the ideological concerns of the previous generation of playwrights such as Doug Lucie and Stephen Lowe, whose work was shaped through recognizable political concerns, often in direct opposition to Thatcherism. In contrast Sarah Kane and her generation have frequently been seen as literary embodiments of ‘Thatcher’s Children’, whereby following the fall of the Berlin Wall and the inertia of the Major years, their drama eschews a recognizable political position, and seems more preoccupied with the plight of individuals cut adrift from society. In the case of Sarah Kane her frequently quoted statement, ‘I have no responsibility as a woman writer because I don’t believe there’s such a thing’, has compounded this perception. Moreover, its dogmatism also echoes the infamous comments attributed to Mrs Thatcher regarding the role of the individual to society. However, this article seeks to reassess Kane’s position as a woman writer and will argue that her drama is positioned somewhere between the female playwrights who emerged after 1979 such as Sarah Daniels, Timberlake Wertenbaker and Clare McIntyre, whose drama was distinguished by overtly feminist concerns, and its subsequent breakdown, best exemplified by the brief cultural moment associated with the newly elected Blair government known as ‘Cool Britannia’. Drawing on a variety of sources, including Kane’s unpublished monologues, written while she was a student just after Mrs Thatcher left office, this paper will argue that far from being an exponent of post-feminism, Kane’s drama frequently revisits and is influenced by the generation of dramatists whose work was forged out the sharp ideological positions that characterized the 1980s and a direct consequence of Thatcherism.

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This essay looks in detail at the brief history of Samuel Beckett's relations with Charles Prentice and the publishing firm of Chatto & Windus. It examines the fate of two of Beckett's early publications - his essay on Proust in the Dolphin Books and his volume of short stories More Pricks than Kicks - against the backdrop of the cultural, ideological and economic context of publishing in the 1930s.

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This is a primarily meta-critical essay and is in direct dialogue with the argument presented in my essay on Gone with the Wind (published in 'Screen'). Here, however, the emphasis is much more on the challenge my definition of spectacle represents for important traditions of film analysis, particularly ‘mise-en-scène criticism’. I argue for the possibility of spectacle to form part of the ‘organic’ whole of a film’s texture and form, while noting the challenge the concept represents (by dint of certain ideological associations and its taint of commercialism) with ‘organicist’ traditions of interpretative film analysis.

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Archaeological research has addressed imperial frontiers for more than a century. Romanists, in particular, have engaged in exploring frontiers from economic, militaristic, political, and (more recently) social vantages. This article suggests that we also consider the dialogue between space and social perception to understand imperial borderland developments. In addition to formulating new theoretical approaches to frontiers, this contribution represents the first comprehensive overview of both the documentary sources and the archaeological material found in Egypt's Great Oasis during the Roman period (ca. 30 B.C.E. to the sixth century C.E.). A holistic analysis of these sources reveals that Egypt's Great Oasis, which consisted of two separate but linked oases, served as a conceptual, physical, and human buffer zone for the Roman empire. This buffer zone protected the "ordered" Nile Valley inhabitants from the "chaotic" desert nomads, who lived just beyond the oases. This conclusion suggests that nomads required specific imperial frontier policies and that these policies may have been ideological as well as economic and militaristic.

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This paper examines the implications of policy fracture and arms length governance within the decision making processes currently shaping curriculum design within the English education system. In particular it argues that an unresolved ‘ideological fracture’ at government level has been passed down to school leaders whose response to the dilemma is distorted by the target-driven agenda of arms length agencies. Drawing upon the findings of a large scale on-line survey of history teaching in English secondary schools, this paper illustrates the problems that occur when policy making is divorced from curriculum theory, and in particular from any consideration of the nature of knowledge. Drawing on the social realist theory of knowledge elaborated by Young (2008), we argue that the rapid spread of alternative curricular arrangements, implemented in the absence of an understanding of curriculum theory, undermines the value of disciplined thinking to the detriment of many young people, particularly those in areas of social and economic deprivation.

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This article investigates the ideology of Al-Qaeda as perceived from within the network. Particular attention is paid to the ideological background of Al-Qaeda's intellectual leadership, its sociopolitical context and the nature of its recruits. The inner logic of the Al-Qaeda organisation advances an intellectual concept that is not based on the main schools of Islamic theology, but on a new ideological starting point that results from the application of Islamic principles to sociopolitical change. With its political goals reinforced by the teachings of the Quran, exemplified by the content and rhetoric of a recently discovered training manual, the organisation creates powerful imagery embedded in the collective consciousness of the Muslim community. Thus, the message provided by Al-Qaeda inspires its followers to commit violent acts of destruction while being fully convinced that they are fulfilling the ordained will of Allah.