Svodboda party - the new phenomenon on the Ukrainian right-wing scene. OSW Commentary No. 56, 2011-07-04

Even though the national-level political scene in Ukraine is dominated by the Party of Regions, the west of the country has seen a progressing increase in the activity of the Svoboda (Freedom) party, a group that combines participation in the democratically elected local government of Eastern Galicia with street actions, characteristic of anti-system groups. This party has brought a new quality to the Ukrainian nationalist movement, as it refers to the rhetoric of European anti-liberal and neo-nationalist movements, and its emergence is a clear response to public demand for a group of this sort. The increase in its popularity plays into the hands of the Party of Regions, which is seeking to weaken the more moderate opposition parties (mainly the Yulia Tymoshenko Bloc). However, Svoboda retains its independence from the ruling camp. This party, in all likelihood, will become a permanent and important player in Ukrainian political life, although its influence may be restricted to Eastern Galicia. Svoboda is determined to fight the tendencies in Ukrainian politics and the social sphere which it considers pro-Russian. Its attitude towards Russia and Russians, furthermore, is unambiguously hostile. In the case of Poland, it reduces mutual relations almost exclusively to the historical aspects, strongly criticising the commemoration of the victims of the Ukrainian Insurgent Army’s (UPA) crimes. This may cause tension in Polish-Ukrainian relations, where they are affected by decisions made by local governments controlled by the Svoboda Party.

Supporting the Revolution: America, Democracy, and the End of the Cold War in Poland, 1981-1989. ACES Working Paper (Report) No. 8, 2007

Early on the morning of December 13, 1981, General Wojciech Jaruzelski, the leader of the communist Polish United Workers' Party (PZPR), declared martial law, ending the so-called "Polish Crisis," which began with the creation of the Independent Free Trade Union "Solidamosc" in August 1980. Over the next eight years, the Communist government and the opposition struggled over power, culminating in 1989 with the creation of a Solidamosc-led government which ended fifty years of Communist rule in Poland and led the way to further democratic revolutions throughout Eastern Europe. The purpose of this dissertation is to utilize newly available and underutilized archival sources as well as oral history interviews, from both international and American perspectives, to fully chronicle American policy toward Poland from the declaration of martial law until the creation of the Solidarnosc government. Rather than explaining Polish-American relations in bilateral terms, the dissertation illuminates the complex web of influences that determined American policy in Washington and affected its implementation within Poland. This includes descriptions of internal tensions within the Reagan administration, differences between American decisions in Washington and implementation in Warsaw, lobbying from Polish-American groups, clashes between Capitol Hill and the White House, coordination with American labor organizations to support Solidarnosc, disagreements with West European allies in NATO and international financial organizations, cooperation with the Vatican and the Polish Catholic Church, synchronization with American humanitarian organizations working in Poland, limitations caused by the realities of Soviet power in Eastern Europe, and complications caused by domestic Polish concerns. By taking a broad view of American policy and highlighting internal Polish decisions, with both the Communist government and the democratic opposition, the dissertation provides concrete examples of America's role in Poland's transformation, arguing, however, that this role was very limited. These conclusions are relevant to arguments about the end of the Cold War, the nature of American power, as well as current discussions about possibilities to promote democracy within hostile regimes.

European Corporate Governance Reform and the German Party Paradox. CES Germany & Europe Working Papers, No. 03.1, 2003

This paper addresses the current discussion on links between party politics and production regimes. Why do German Social Democrats opt for more corporate governance liberalization than the CDU although, in terms of the distributional outcomes of such reforms, one would expect the situation to be reversed? I divide my analysis into three stages. First, I use the European Parliament’s crucial vote on the European takeover directive in July 2001 as a test case to show that the left-right dimension does indeed matter in corporate governance reform, beside cross-class and cross-party nation-based interests. In a second step, by analyzing the party positions in the main German corporate governance reforms in the 1990s, I show that the SPD and the CDU behave “paradoxically” in the sense that the SPD favored more corporate governance liberalization than the CDU, which protected the institutions of “Rhenish,” “organized” capitalism. This constellation occurred in the discussions on company disclosure, management accountability, the power of banks, network dissolution, and takeover regulation. Third, I offer two explanations for this paradoxical party behavior. The first explanation concerns the historical conversion of ideas. I show that trade unions and Social Democrats favored a high degree of capital organization in the Weimar Republic, but this ideological position was driven in new directions at two watersheds: one in the late 1940s, the other in the late 1950s. My second explanation lies in the importance of conflicts over managerial control, in which both employees and minority shareholders oppose managers, and in which increased shareholder power strengthens the position of works councils.

Europe's refugee/migrant crisis: can 'illiberal' Turkey save 'liberal Europe' while helping Syrian refugees? EPC Policy Brief, 19 February 2016

Turkish democracy today has lost much of its shine. As the Turkish government continues to backtrack on reforms and infringe on basic freedoms, the country is beginning to look more and more like an ‘illiberal democracy’ at best. Ironically, as one of the most important destination and transit countries for Syrian refugees, it is also still uniquely positioned to help the EU deal with the current refugee crisis. In November 2015, the EU and Turkey signed a Joint Action Plan to better manage the situation, but both parties have fallen short of their promises. German Chancellor Angela Merkel, one of the biggest supporters of closer EU-Turkey cooperation, had hoped that this would allow for the refugees to be admitted into Europe in a more controlled and orderly manner. But it seems she is standing alone in a Europe that is becoming increasingly more hostile towards newcomers, drifting further and further from the liberal values it stands for. In this Policy Brief, Kemal Kirişci discusses the ways in which Turkey, Germany and the EU in general could all benefit from closer cooperation on this issue: “With the right frame of mind and will, the current ‘illiberal Turkey’ could indeed help ‘liberal Europe’. In the long run this would be a ‘win-win’ for Germany, Turkey, and the EU – but most importantly, for the Syrian refugees.”

EU-Turkey Summit on the refugee crisis Law and (dis)order? EPC Commentary, 21 March 2016

After many meetings and long hours of negotiations, the overwhelming feeling when a deal between the EU and Turkey was struck, was one of “mission accomplished”! Faced with an unprecedented crisis and forced to appease increasingly hostile public opinions back home, EU leaders had only one objective in mind: reducing the number of migrants arriving in the EU so that order can return in the framework of EU rules. However, a closer look at the Summit Conclusions and the EU-Turkey statement leaves a bitter taste, according to Yves Pascouau. In this Commentary, he questions the feasibility of the final EU-Turkey deal, saying that it creates more problems than it solves: besides the obvious legal and practical issues, it is far from certain which member states will be willing to do their part, or whether or not the EU can come up with a strategic vision on human mobility for the future.

Language, Identity, Politics-the Myth of Two Ukraines. Bertelsmann Policy Brief, April 2014

The narrative of two Ukraines – the existence of two separate cultural-political communities within one Ukrainian state – has accompanied the relatively short history of inde-pendent Ukraine from the very be-ginning. Articulated by Mykola Ryabchuk more than twenty years ago1 and seemingly logical and reasonable, it has become the fa-vourite narrative of many Ukrainian and international commentators and analysts. One of these Ukraines is pro-European, shares liberal democracy values, wants to join the European Union, “return to Europe” and, what is very im-portant, speaks Ukrainian. The symbolic centre of this Ukraine is Lviv. The other is nostalgic about the Soviet Union, has close rela-tions with contemporary Russia, is hostile towards the West and does not share “western” values. The language of this other Ukraine is Russian and its “capital” is Do-netsk. Taking on board this narra-tive simply means equating one’s region of residence, political views, and preferred language.

Late Quaternary radiolarian assemblages of ODP Site 181-1124

Abundant and diverse polycystine radiolarian faunas from ODP Leg 181, Site 1123 (0-1.2 Ma at ~21 kyr resolution) and Site 1124 (0-0.6 Ma, ~5 kyr resolution, with a disconformity between 0.42-0.22 Ma) have been used to infer Pleistocene-Holocene paleoceanographic changes north of the Subtropical Front (STF), offshore eastern New Zealand, southwest Pacific. The abundance of warm-water taxa relative to cool-water taxa was used to determine a radiolarian paleotemperature index, the Subtropical (ST) Index. ST Index variations show strong covariance with benthic foraminifera oxygen isotope records from Site 1123 and exhibit similar patterns through Glacial-Interglacial (G-I) cycles of marine isotope stages (MIS) 15-1. At Site 1123, warm-water taxa peak in abundance during Interglacials (reaching ~8% of the total fauna). Within Glacials cool-water taxa increase to ~15% (MIS2) of the fauna. Changes in radiolarian assemblages at Site 1124 indicate similar but much better resolved trends through MIS15-12 and 7-1. Pronounced increases in warm-water taxa occur at the onset of Interglacials (reaching ~15% of the fauna), whereas the abundance of cool-water taxa increases in Glacials peaking in MIS2 (~17% of the fauna). Overall warmer conditions at Site 1124 during the last 600 kyrs indicate sustained influence of the subtropical, warm East Cape Current (ECC). During Interglacials radiolarian assemblages suggest an increase in marine productivity at both sites which might be due to predominance of micronutrient-rich Subtropical Water. At Site 1123, an increased abundance of deep-dwelling taxa in MIS 13 and 9 suggests enhanced vertical mixing. During Glacials, reduced vigour of ECC flow combined with northward expansion of cool, micronutrient-poor Subantarctic Water occurs. Only at Site 1123 there is evidence of a longitudinal shift of the STF, reaching as far north as 41°S.

Imperfect Creatures : Vermin, Literature, and the Sciences of Life, 1550-1750 /

Plagues of pests have always been a part of recorded history, but they hold special significance in the early modern period. 'Imperfect Creatures' is the first full-length study to investigate the shifting, unstable, but foundational status of “vermin” as creatures and category in the early modern literary and scientific imagination.

Print, Publicity and Radicalism in the 1790s : The Laurel of Liberty /

Jon Mee explores the popular democratic movement that emerged in the London of the 1790s in response to the French Revolution. Central to the movement’s achievement was the creation of an idea of ‘the people’ brought into being through print and publicity. Radical clubs rose and fell in the face of the hostile attentions of government. They were sustained by a faith in the press as a form of ‘print magic,’ but confidence in the liberating potential of the printing press was interwoven with hard-headed deliberations over how best to animate and represent the people. Ideas of disinterested rational debate were thrown into the mix with coruscating satire, rousing songs, and republican toasts. Print personality became a vital interface between readers and print exploited by the cast of radicals returned to history in vivid detail by Print, Publicity, and Popular Radicalism.

What have we done wrong? The responsibilities of the rich

This paper surveys hostile reactions to claims that the I I September attacks were understandable in terms of the actions of the west towards poor parts of the world and the rich countries' own public commitments to democracy and affluence at home. The paper argues that domestic resentment is likely to continue to foment because concerted institution-building commensurate with the rich countries' material capacities has been neglected. Much responsibility for the global discontent can be attributed to policies advocated by the west and imposed on both rich and poor countries alike by policy-elites within the rich countries. Intellectuals have a role in re-activating the sorts of high-minded state-building and policy-making capacities that preoccupied them in the immediate post-1945 period.

Efficient developmental mis-targeting by the sporamin NTPP vacuolar signal to plastids in young leaves of sugarcane and Arabidopsis

Plant vacuoles are multi-functional, developmentally varied and can occupy up to 90% of plant cells. The N-terminal propeptide (NTPP) of sweet potato sporamin and the C-terminal propeptide (CTPP) of tobacco chitinase have been developed as models to target some heterologous proteins to vacuoles but so far tested on only a few plant species, vacuole types and payload proteins. Most studies have focused on lytic and protein-storage vacuoles, which may differ substantially from the sugar-storage vacuoles in crops like sugarcane. Our results extend the evidence that NTPP of sporamin can direct heterologous proteins to vacuoles in diverse plant species and indicate that sugarcane sucrose-storage vacuoles (like the lytic vacuoles in other plant species) are hostile to heterologous proteins. A low level of cytosolic NTPP-GFP (green fluorescent protein) was detectable in most cell types in sugarcane and Arabidopsis, but only Arabidopsis mature leaf mesophyll cells accumulated NTPP-GFP to detectable levels in vacuoles. Unexpectedly, efficient developmental mis-trafficking of NTPP-GFP to chloroplasts was found in young leaf mesophyll cells of both species. Vacuolar targeting by tobacco chitinase CTPP was inefficient in sugarcane, leaving substantial cytoplasmic activity of rat lysosomal beta-glucuronidase (GUS) [ER (endoplasmic reticulum)-RGUS-CTPP]. Sporamin NTPP is a promising targeting signal for studies of vacuolar function and for metabolic engineering. Such applications must take account of the efficient developmental mis-targeting by the signal and the instability of most introduced proteins, even in storage vacuoles.

Bad but bold: Ambivalent attitudes toward men predict gender inequality in 16 nations

A 16-nation study involving 8,360 participants revealed that hostile and benevolent attitudes toward men, assessed by the Ambivalence Toward Men Inventory (P. Glick & S. T. Fiske, 1999), were (a) reliably measured across cultures, (b) positively correlated (for men and women, within samples and across nations) with each other and with hostile and benevolent sexism toward women (Ambivalent Sexism Inventory, P. Glick & S. T. Fiske, 1996), and (c) negatively correlated with gender equality in cross-national comparisons. Stereotype measures indicated that men were viewed as having less positively valenced but more powerful traits than women. The authors argue that hostile as well as benevolent attitudes toward men reflect and support gender inequality by characterizing men as being designed for dominance.

Evaluating stranger and acquaintance rape: The role of benevolent sexism in perpetrator blame and recommended sentence length

In most jurisdictions, the law does not recognize the distinction between stranger and acquaintance rape. However, these two types of rape seem to elicit different responses from both lay observers and legal practitioners. Two studies investigating the role of benevolent sexism (BS) in accounting for participants' responses to acquaintance vs. stranger rape perpetrators are reported. Participants were presented with vignettes describing either an acquaintance rape or a stranger rape. As predicted, relative to low-BS individuals, participants who scored high in BS attributed less blame ( Study 1) and recommended shorter sentences ( Study 2) for the acquaintance rape perpetrator. Benevolent sexism was unrelated to reactions to the perpetrator in the stranger rape condition.

Normative influence and rational conflict decisions: Group norms and cost-benefit analyses for intergroup behavior

The present paper articulates a model in which ingroup and outgroup norms inform 'rational' decision-making (cost-benefit analysis) for conflict behaviors. Norms influence perceptions of the consequences of the behavior, and individuals may thus strategically conform to or violate norms in order to acquire benefits and avoid costs. Two studies demonstrate these processes in the context of conflict in Quebec. In the first study, Anglophones' perceptions of Francophone and Anglophone norms for pro-English behaviors predicted evaluations of the benefits and costs of the behaviors, and these cost-benefit evaluations in turn mediated the norm-intention links for both group norms. In the second study, a manipulated focus on supportive versus hostile ingroup and outgroup norms also predicted cost-benefit evaluations, which mediated the norm-intention relationships. The studies support a model of strategic conflict choices in which group norms inform, rather than suppress, rational expectancy value processes. Implications for theories of decision-making and normative influence are discussed.

When chivalry backfires: Benevolent sexism and attitudes toward Myra Hindley

Researchers have suggested that paternalistic attitudes may influence people's perceptions of female offenders. In the current study, we examined the role of benevolent and hostile sexism in people's perceptions of a specific female offender (Myra Hindley), who can be viewed as having violated traditional gender role assumptions. We observed that benevolent sexism (but not hostile sexism) was related to negative evaluations of Myra Hindley. In addition, mediation analyses suggest that the relationship between benevolent sexism and the negative evaluations of Myra Hindley was partially accounted for by participants' perceptions that Myra Hindley possessed traits that violated traditional gender role stereotypes. Theoretical and practical implications are discussed.