A união econômica e monetária e a dinâmica da integração européia: uma abordagem das relações internacionais

Coordenação de Aperfeiçoamento de Pessoal de Nível Superior (CAPES)

How parties justified the 2014 EP election debate. A comparative analysis in six EU countries

On the role of parties as important channels for people to voice their preferences there is a sound consensus in the literature. Traditional socio-economic concerns have been more and more displaced by culturally fought issues such as immigration and European integration. Scholarly works, however, have paid less attention how, if at all, parties combine different cultural issues. The primary aim of the analysis is to investigate if and under which conditions parties link immigration and European integration issues to address the growing discontent in the population with these issues. Our expectation is that parties endorse different strategies depending on the party competition, in particular the presence of a populist challenger. The analysis is based on a quantitative content analysis of press releases and newspapers articles published in the 12 weeks preceding the 2014 EP election in five European countries (Austria, Germany, Greece, the Netherlands and the United Kingdom).

Unemployment is the scourge, not youth unemployment per se. The misguided policy preoccupation with youth. CEPS Policy Brief No. 294, 26 June 2013

This Policy Brief argues that too much effort and political capital is being spent by the Commission and member states on being seen to be doing something quickly about youth unemployment when, in fact, the structural measures proposed will only have long-term effects. Expectations of immediate relief are running well above what can be delivered, especially at the EU level. Given the macroeconomic situation, no policy option will deliver a significant dent in either youth unemployment or unemployment in general. The EU policies on the table that are supposed to have an immediate effect, such as increased lending from the European Investment Bank to SMEs for the hiring of young people, will only have a very marginal impact on youth unemployment. Moreover, this impact will come mostly to the detriment of older unemployed persons excluded from such a scheme. Given the perceived need to ‘be seen to be doing something’, we fear that policies subsidising young workers de facto at the expense of older workers or, even worse, policies that subsidise older workers for not taking young people’s jobs, will proliferate. In fact, it is not at all clear that young people suffer more from being unemployed than older people, or even disproportionately more than older unemployed individuals. In particular, it is not clear that the much-publicised notion of a ‘lost generation’ with permanent ‘scars’ is relevant only to the young generation. The paper ends by highlighting the much-neglected policy option of encouraging labour mobility within the internal market. Although the Commission is ‘upgrading and modernising’ its tools, much more could be done in this area – to the benefit of the individuals concerned, the member states, and European integration in general.

Governance in contemporary Germany:the semisovereign State revisited

Throughout the 1970s and 1980s, West Germany was considered to be one of the world’s most successful economic and political systems. In his seminal 1987 analysis of West Germany’s ‘semisovereign’ system of governance, Peter Katzenstein attributed this success to a combination of a fragmented polity, consensus politics and incremental policy changes. However, unification in 1990 has both changed Germany’s institutional configuration and created economic and social challenges on a huge scale. This volume therefore asks whether semisovereignty still exists in contemporary Germany and, crucially, whether it remains an asset in terms of addressing these challenges. By shadowing and building on the original study, an eminent team of British, German and American scholars analyses institutional changes and the resulting policy developments in key sectors, with Peter Katzenstein himself providing the conclusion. Together, the chapters provide a landmark assessment of the outcomes produced by one of the world’s most important countries. Contents: 1. Introduction: semisovereignty challenged Simon Green and William E. Paterson; 2. Institutional transfer: can semisovereignty be transferred? The political economy of Eastern Germany Wade Jacoby; 3. Political parties Thomas Saalfeld; 4. Federalism: the new territorialism Charlie Jeffery; 5. Shock-absorbers under stress. Parapublic institutions and the double challenges of German unification and European integration Andreas Busch; 6. Economic policy management: catastrophic equilibrium, tipping points and crisis interventions Kenneth Dyson; 7. Industrial relations: from state weakness as strength to state weakness as weakness. Welfare corporatism and the private use of the public interest Wolfgang Streeck; 8. Social policy: crisis and transformation Roland Czada; 9. Immigration and integration policy: between incrementalism and non-decisions Simon Green; 10. Environmental policy: the law of diminishing returns? Charles Lees; 11. Administrative reform Kluas H. Goetz; 12. European policy-making: between associated sovereignty and semisovereignty William E. Paterson; 13. Conclusion: semisovereignty in United Germany Peter J. Katzenstein.

Germany at a crossroads:the gathering crisis sharpens

In our book, The Gathering Crisis: The 2005 Federal Election and the Grand Coalition (Miskimmon et al, 2009), we argued that the German political and economic systems faced a number of serious challenges. The resource crunch in public finances has been particularly problematic in a country used to consensus politics- money had previously been used to oil the wheels of German federalism (and European integration). In the light of recent events- the global financial crisis, the Eurozone crisis, the 2009 federal election- we claim that the crisis in the German political economy has sharpened. The task of Angela Merkel and subsequent chancellors will be to navigate the new era, ensuring that Germany remains a leading political and economic power in the European Union and beyond. © 2010 Macmillan Publishers Ltd.

"Dem Volk eine andere Muttersprache geben". Zur Diskussion über Zweisprachigkeit und Erziehung in der Geschichte der Volksschule

Ausgangspunkt der Überlegungen sind die aktuellen Forderungen nach einem veränderten Umgang mit gesellschaftlicher Zwei- und Mehrsprachigkeit angesichts internationaler Migration und europäischer Integration. Im Rückblick auf die Geschichte der bildungspolitischen und pädagogischen Diskussion über Zweisprachigkeit und öffentliche Erziehung werden - unter Einbeziehung der internationalen Diskussion - vor allem die "Logiken" der pädagogischen Argumentation herausgearbeitet, die in den Auseinandersetzungen im Kaiserreich und in der Weimarer Republik entwickelt worden sind. Die hier vertretene Annahme ist, daß die historisch entwickelten "Logiken", als zum jeweiligen historischen Zeitpunkt plausible, so in die Normalitätsbeschreibungen von Erziehung und Bildung eingegangen sind, daß sie schließlich wie Naturgegebenheiten erscheinen (konnten) und daher - trotz und gegen Aufklärung und bessere(r) Einsicht - bildungspolitisches, bildungsadministratives und pädagogisches Handeln bis heute bestimmen. (DIPF/Orig.)

L'intervento pubblico europeo per il territorio tra globalizzazione e crisi dello Stato. Strumenti teorici per la riduzione delle disuguaglianze.

Il presente elaborato indaga l’evoluzione del rapporto tra ordinamento giuridico e territorio, alla luce dei processi di globalizzazione e integrazione europea. Nel secondo dopoguerra, infatti, si è assistito ad un’evoluzione dello Stato moderno in quello che è stato definito come lo Stato keynesiano, nel quale convivevano una forte presenza pubblica nell’economia interna e un basso livello di internazionalizzazione del commercio mondiale. La crisi di tale modello è la crisi dello Stato territoriale, che viene attraversato da nuovi flussi economici che premiano città e regioni, facendo perdere di importanza alla dimensione nazionale. Ciò è avvolorato dal processo di integrazione europea che dagli anni ’80 in poi trova nuovo vigore e comincia a limitare l’intervento pubblico nell’economia agendo sia sul piano degli aiuti di Stato, che sui bilanci nazionali. Tali dinamiche producono la crisi dell’unità dello Stato sotto un aspetto giuridico-territoriale, per via del crescente ruolo tanto delle istituzioni europee, da una parte, e di città e Regioni, dall’altra, le quali diventano nuove dimensioni normative che sfidano la sovranità statale. Allo stesso tempo, si indebolisce anche l’unità sociale, con divari territoriali crescenti, sia a livello inter- che intra- regionali. In questo contesto, si approfondirà come l’intervento pubblico europeo sia sul piano della coesione, che su quello relativo agli aiuti di Stato non solo tenda ad una riduzione dei divari, ma anche ad una riconfigurazione del territorio europeo. Infatti, grazie ai suoi strumenti, città e regioni hanno la possibilità di superare i propri confini amministrativi al fine di creare nuove forme di cooperazione territoriale. In questo scenario, si proporrà una riflessione sulla possibilità di un rinnovato principio di sussidiarietà, che tenga conto della struttura reticolare dell’attuale contesto territoriale europeo, così come degli attuali rapporti tra la dimensione del mercato e quella sociale, al fine di meglio descrivere un ordinamento europeo in senso materiale.

Economic integration and corruption: The corrupt soul of the European Union

We study the link between corruption and economic integration. We show that if an economic union establishes a common regulation for public procurement, the country more prone to corruption benefits more from integration. However, if the propensities to corruption are too distinct, the less corrupt country will not be willing to join the union. This difference in corruption propensities can be offset by a difference in efficiency. We also show that corruption is lower if integration occurs. A panel data analysis for the European Union confirms that more corrupt countries are more favorable towards integration but less acceptable as potential new members.

Post-transaction brand and model line-up integration in the automotive industry: Case studies of European companies as target of acquisitions by Chinese and Indian multinational corporations

Corporations practice company acquisitions in order to create shareholder’s value. During the last few decades, the companies in emerging markets have become active in the acquisition business. During the last decade, large and significant acquisitions have occurred especially in automotive industry. While domestic markets have become too competitive and companies are lacking required capabilities, they seek possibilities to expand into Western markets by attaining valuable assets through acquisitions of developed country corporations. This study discusses the issues and characteristics of these acquisitions through case studies. The purpose of this study was to identify the acquisition motives and strategies for post-transaction brand and product integration as well as analyze the effect of the motives to the integration strategy. The cases chosen for the research were Chinese Geely acquiring Swedish Volvo in 2010 and Indian Tata Motors buying British Jaguar Land Rover in 2008. The main topics were chosen according to their significance for companies in automotive industry as well as those are most visible parts for consumers. The study is based on qualitative case study methods, analyzing secondary data from academic papers and news articles as well as companies’ own announcements e.g. stock exchange and press releases. The study finds that the companies in the cases mainly possessed asset-seeking and market-seeking motives. In addition, the findings refer to rather minimal post-acquisition brand and product integration strategies. Mainly the parent companies left the target company autonomous to make their own business strategies and decisions. The most noticeable integrations were in the product development and production processes. Through restructuring the product architectures, the companies were able to share components and technology between product families and brands, which results in cutting down costs and in increase of profitability and efficiency. In the Geely- Volvo case, the strategy focused more on component sharing and product development know-how, whereas in Tata Motors-Jaguar Land Rover case, the main actions were to cut down costs through component sharing and combine production and distribution networks especially in Asian markets. However, it was evident that in both cases the integration and technology sharing were executed cautiously to prevent on harming the valuable image of the luxury brand. This study has concluded that the asset-seeking motives have significant influence on the posttransaction brand and model line-up integration strategies. By taking a cautious approach in acquiring assets, such as luxury brand, the companies in the cases have implemented a successful post-acquisition strategy and managed to create value for the shareholders at least in short-term. Yritykset harjoittavat yritysostoja luodakseen osakkeenomistajille lisäarvoa. Viimeisten muutamien vuosikymmenien aikana yritykset kehittyvissä maissa ovat myös aktivoituneet yritysostoissa. Viimeisen vuosikymmenen aikana erityisesti autoteollisuudessa on esiintynyt suuria ja merkittäviä yritysostoja. Koska kilpailu kotimaan markkinoilla on kiristynyt ja yritykset ovat vailla vaadittavia valmiuksia, ne etsivät mahdollisuuksiaan laajentaa länsimaisiin markkinoihin hankkimalla arvokkaita etuja kehittyneiden maiden yrityksistä yritysostojen avulla. Tämä tutkimus pohtii näiden yritysostojen olennaisia kysymyksiä ja ominaisuuksia casetutkimuksien kautta. Tutkimuksen tarkoitus oli tunnistaa sekä yritysostojen motiiveja ja brändi- ja mallisto-integraation strategioita että analysoida kyseisten motiivien vaikutusta integraatiostrategiaan. Tapaus-tutkimuksiksi valittiin kiinalaisen Geelyn yritysosto ruotsalaisesta Volvosta vuonna 2010 ja intialaisen Tata Motorsin yritysosto englantilaisesta Jaguar Land Roverista vuonna 2008. Tutkimus on kvalitatiivinen case-tutkimus ja siinä analysoidaan toissijaista tietoa sekä akateemisten ja uutisartikkeleiden että yritysten omien ilmoitusten, kuten pörssi- ja lehdistötiedotteiden, kautta. Tutkimuksen tulokset osoittavat, että tutkittujen yritysten toiminnat perustuivat motiiveihin, joita ajoivat etujen and uusien markkinoiden tarve. Sen lisäksi tutkimustulokset osoittivat, että yritysoston jälkeinen brändi- ja mallisto-integraatio pidettiin minimaalisena. Pääasiallisesti kohdeyrityksille jätettiin autonomia tehdä omat liikkeenjohdolliset päätökset yritysstrategioihin liittyen. Huomattavimmat integraatiot koskivat tuotekehityksellisiä ja tuotannollisia prosesseja. Kehittämällä uudelleen tuotearkkitehtuureja, yritykset pystyivät jakamaan komponentteja ja teknologiaa tuoteperheiden ja brändien välillä. Tämä mahdollisti kustannusleikkauksia sekä kannattavuuden ja tehokkuuden parantamista. Geely-Volvo –tapauksessa integraatiostrategia keskittyi komponenttien jakamiseen yhteisten tuotearkkitehtuurien avulla ja tuotekehityksen ammattitaitoon, kun taas Tata Motors-JLR –tapauksessa päätoiminnat olivat kustannuksien leikkaus sekä tuotannon ja jakeluverkoston yhdistäminen erityisesti Aasian maissa. Yhteistä yrityskaupoissa oli, että brändi- ja mallisto-integraatio sekä teknologian jakaminen suoritettiin varoen ehkäistäkseen arvokkaiden luksus-brändien tuotekuvan vahingoittamista. Tutkimuksen lopputulokset osoittavat, että yrityskaupan motiiveilla on huomattava vaikutus brändija mallisto-integraation strategiaan. Toteuttamalla varovaista lähestymistapaa luksus-brändin hankinnassa ja integraatiossa, yritykset ovat onnistuneet luomaan lisäarvoa osakkeenomistajille vähintään lyhyellä aikavälillä.

Central Europeans towards Integration with the European Union: A Study of Public Opinion, Social Attitudes and National Identities

Since the turbulence of 1989, the countries of Central and Eastern Europe have striven to "return to Europe". Agreements have been signed with ten post-communist countries, beginning in 1991 with Czechoslovakia (before its division), Hungary and Poland. Since that time several countries have expressed a desire to become members of the EU. In 1997 the European Commission announced its opinion on the applications for EU membership of the Czech Republic, Hungary, Poland, Slovakia, and seven other applicant countries. The Commission recommended the commencement of negotiations on accession with the Czech Republic, Estonia, Hungary, Poland, and Slovenia. Mr. Kucia's report, presented in the form of a series of manuscripts totalling 91 pages, written in English and Polish and including many pages of tables and graphs, presents the results of a study of public opinion on European integration in four countries of Central Europe (CE): the Czech Republic (CZ), Hungary (H), Poland (PL), and Slovakia (SK). The research results are primarily based on a public-opinion survey known as the Central and Eastern Eurobarometer (CEEB). CEEB has been conducted on behalf of the European Commission in the Central and Eastern European countries each year in autumn since 1990. Below is a very small selection of Mr. Kucia's research findings. Throughout the 90s people in the four countries increasingly saw their countries' future tied up with the EU, since economic and political connections to the EU were growing and prospects for EU membership were increasing. Regional co-operation within CE did not gain much popular recognition. However, initially high levels of enthusiasm for the EU were gradually superseded by a more realistic approach or even scepticism. Poland was the exception in this respect; its population was more positive about the EU in 1996 than ever before. Mr. Kucia concludes that, since the political "elites" in CE are more positive about the EU than the people they serve, they should do their best to bring people round to their beliefs, lest the project of European integration become purely the business of the elites, as Mr. Kucia claims it has been in the EU up till now. He accuses the governments of the region, the EU authorities and the media of failing to provide appropriate information, especially about the two subjects which most affect them, association with the EU and the PHARE assistance programme. Respondents were asked to rank in order the countries or regions they saw their country's future most closely tied up with. In the period 92-96 the EU received the highest ratings in all of CE. The ratings were highest in CZ in 92 and 93 (46%) and in Poland in 96 (46%). They were the lowest in Hungary (22% in 94). After the EU came "Other Western European countries (non EU)", that is Austria, Sweden and Finland (before they joined the EU in 1995), Switzerland and Norway. Mr. Kucia puts the high ratings of these countries down to historical connections and geographical proximity, particularly in the case of Austria. The USA always came second in Poland, and in Hungary too its standing has always been higher than in CZ or SK. Indeed Mr. Kucia suggests that the USA's standing is disproportionately low in especially the CZ. Germany was nominated frequently by Hungarians, though in the CZ and SK, figures have been consistently low (1-2%). "Other CE/EE countries" increased their ratings in all of CE except Poland between 92 and 96. With regard to these last figures, Mr. Kucia makes an interesting note. Assuming that for the respondents in the four countries this category covered the Visegrad 4, least support was found in Poland, whose government was the most in favour of close political co-operation within the V4, while most support was in evidence in CZ and SK, for whose governments V4 was simply not a priority. Again, there is evidence of a divide between the political elites and the people. Russia has occupied a consistently modest rank. It was the highest in PL, fairly low in H and SK and the lowest in CZ. The Slovak government's policy of closer ties with Russia is reflected in a growth in the figures from 2% in 93 to 6% in 95. Every year the spontaneous answer "we should depend on ourselves" appeared, which Mr. Kucia interprets as either a sign of isolationism and disillusionment or as a call for self-reliance. Unfortunately he regards both these tendencies as unfeasible in the uniting Europe. Moving to more general conclusions, Mr. Kucia finds that the concept "Central Europe" does not have much meaning for Central Europeans. He believes that this is probably due to the failure to establish a viable regional co-operation network. Group discussions also revealed that people thought themselves European as a consequence of being Czech or Polish etc. Thus European identity is based on national identities. Generally within the surveyed period, the numbers of those who said they often think themselves European decreased, while the numbers of those who said they never think themselves European increased from 41% in PL, 36% in CZ, and 30% in H in 1990, to 67% in CZ, 58% in PL, and 51% in H in 1995.

The Great Slump of 2008–9 and Ukraine's integration with the European Union

For a number of years following the Orange revolution of 2004, Ukraine aspired to join the European Union. Although full integration was never a short-term prospect, European integration, through the Association Agreement and the Deep and Comprehensive Free Trade Area, offers considerable benefits to Ukraine. However, the country was severely affected by the Great Slump of 2008–9 in the global economy, and this profoundly negative experience has shaped Ukrainian domestic and foreign policy in the subsequent period, putting paid to aspirations to EU membership and influencing the Ukrainian government's decision to seek a closer relationship with Russia immediately following the presidential election of 2010. Nevertheless, closer relations with Russia should not adversely affect Ukraine's efforts at EU integration.

The Central European initiative : an approach to regional stabilization and democratic consolidation

This thesis examines how multilateral institutions can contribute to democratization and regional stability. It is a case study of the Central European Initiative (CEI), a regional intergovernmental organization founded by Italy and Austria in 1989 to undertake a regional integration process, and of its role in stabilizing post-communist democracies. Documents were collected at the CEI offices in Trieste, Italy, and interviews conducted with CEI officers, and data obtained from the websites of related organizations and of CEI member countries. The thesis probes the relevance of concepts derived from theories of international regimes and social constructivism. It shows that the CEI diffuses norms and institutional rules conducive to consolidating democracies, including the development of a free civil society, a relatively autonomous political society, rule of law, state bureaucracies that are usable by the new democratic governments, and functioning free market economies, addition, and fosters habits of dialogue, socializes participants, and supports the creation of supra-national identities.

A cross-linguistic comparison of address pronoun use in four European languages: Intralingual and interlingual dimensions

As part of a major ongoing project, we consider and compare contemporary patterns of address pronoun use in four major European languages- French, German, Italian and Swedish. We are specifically interested in two major aspects: intralingual behaviour, that is, within the same language community, and interlingual dimensions of address pronoun use. With respect to the former, we summarize our key findings to date. We then give consideration in a more preliminary fashion to issues and evidence relevant to the latter.

Reshaping European Union development policy: collective choices and the new global order

Abstract The European Union (EU) is one of the world´s leading donors in official development assistance (ODA) to give a strong weight in the relationship with recipient partner countries, in particular with those that are more dependent on it. Besides the material weight of its funding, the EU has retained historical ties and influence in diplomatic, political and economic terms in many of its ODA recipient partner countries (particular in Sub-Saharan Africa). Since the 2000s, the EU development policy has not only undergone major structural changes in its institutional framework but also has started to face a new international aid scenario. This paper explores why a normative-based EU development policy is being challenged by reformed EU institutions and a new global order, and how the EU is attempting to respond to this context in face of the deepest recession since the end of the Second World War.