Inter Latin American trade: Current problems.

Mode of access: Internet.

Foreign private investment in the Latin American free-trade area;

"United Nations publication. Sales no.: 60.II.G.5."

Public; a journal of finance, commercial interests and political science.

Financier; a journal of politics...

Man and society, political and social theory.

Bibliographical footnotes.

Papers and proceedings of the annual meeting of the Canadian Political Science Association.

No meetings held 1914-1929.

Proceedings of the Academy of Political Science in the City of New York.

Frequency varies.

Essays, historical and biographical, political and social, literary and scientific.

Mode of access: Internet.

American politics. Political parties and party problems in the United States; a sketch of American party history and of the development and operations of party machinery, together with a consideration of certain party problems in their relations to political morality,

Contains short bibliographies.

Al-Qaeda and the Islamic State: A comparative study of the Jihadi narratives

Thesis (Master's)--University of Washington, 2016-06

¿Es su casa mi casa? Latinos, Socialization, and the Catholic Church

Thesis (Ph.D.)--University of Washington, 2016-06

Spanyolország Latin-Amerika-politikája = The Latin American Policy of Spain

Jelen tanulmány a spanyol–latin-amerikai kapcsolatok elmúlt két évtizedbeli alakulásának vázlatát adja, rámutatva a legfőbb mérföldkövekre, fordulópontokra és kihívásokra. A spanyol–latin-amerikai viszony sajátossága, hogy többszintű rendszerbe ágyazódik: Spanyolország egyes latin-amerikai országokhoz fűződő bilaterális viszonya, az ibér-amerikai csúcstalálkozók rendszere, az Európai Unió és Latin-Amerika biregionális stratégiai szövetsége, illetve az Unió egyes latin-amerikai integrációs tömörülésekhez (pl. Mercosur, Andok Közösség, Közép-amerikai Közös Piac stb.) és országokhoz fűződő kapcsolatai adják a legfontosabb tengelyeket; ezekből bontható ki Spanyolország és Latin-Amerika kapcsolatrendszere. Vagyis a fentebb vázolt rendszer miatt – kiegészülve az említett szereplők Egyesült Államokhoz fűződő viszonyával – önmagukban nehezen értelmezhetőek Spanyolország és volt amerikai gyarmatainak kapcsolatai, mivel szervesen a biregionális, interregionális és bilaterális kapcsolatok egészébe ágyazódnak. _____ The paper surveys the main trends of Spanish Latin America policy from the early 1990s up to the present. As typical of international relations in the 21st century, Spanish–Latin American relations are complex and involve multiple actors. Apart from Spain, the European Union, Latin American states as well as continental subregions and regional country groups are autonomous actors in this system of relations, where the United States is an important external actor. During the last twenty years, Spanish governments have prioritized relations with Latin America, which have seen considerable advances. At the same time, the limits to enhancing Spanish–Latin American relations, constraining factors aff ecting political and economic cooperation also exist and must be taken into consideration during the analysis of the issue.

The dynamics of movement: Toward a definition of a Latin American identity in contemporary fiction

Concha Meléndez opened up a venue for the discussion of a Latin American identity in works of literature when she implied that the great Latin American novel would gestate in the cities, the space where the typical Latin American would achieve an ideal state of consciousness and intellectual capabilities. ^ Her point of view mirrored nineteenth-century debate on a Latin American identity. Similar to her viewpoint, intellectuals of this period viewed the cities and their inhabitants of European extraction, as the ideal spaces and people on which an identity could be defined. However, the present state of urban and rural areas in Latin America demonstrates that there is no such clear-cut division of city and countryside or of their inhabitants. The dynamics of movement, from rural to urban areas, of people of diverse ethnic, and socioeconomic backgrounds, make it difficult to uphold descriptors of space, race, or culture, as sole descriptors of an identity. ^ A study of five twentieth-century novels from North and South America, La muerte de Artemio Cruz (1962), Hasta no verte Jesús mío (1969), Los ríos profundos (1981), La casa de los espíritus (1982), and Los años con Laura Díaz (1999) reveal that the dynamism of movement, between countryside, and cities of peoples of distinct races and social backgrounds, hamper the definition of a collective identity in specific spaces. As characters move, they are constantly reconfiguring their identities and creating tensions and conflicts that intensify social, racial and economic divisions in society. This makes it difficult to ascribe permanent identity descriptors, much less define a collective identity. ^ However, as writers of fiction address the malaise in Latin American societies, they have unearthed descriptors such as history, economy, land, and movement that advance a collective definition of self in these societies. Additionally, female characters have been granted a new identity. The overwhelming evidence in this study points to ‘land’ as the prime factor in the identity dilemma and suggests that a definition will not be possible until the vast landless populace is granted a space they can call home. Only then, perhaps, will Meléndez novel surface. ^

Gender, identity, and the security state: The politics of international drug trafficking

This dissertation examined how United States illicit drug control policy, often commonly referred to as the "war on drugs," contributes to the reproduction of gendered and racialized social relations. Specifically, it analyzed the identity producing practices of United States illicit drug control policy as it relates to the construction of U.S. identities. ^ Drawing on the theoretical contributions of feminist postpositivists, three cases of illicit drug policy practice were discussed. In the first case, discourse analysis was employed to examine recent debates (1986-2005) in U.S. Congressional Hearings about the proper understanding of the illicit drug "threat." The analysis showed how competing policy positions are tied to differing understandings of proper masculinity and the role of policymakers as protectors of the national interest. Utilizing critical visual methodologies, the second case examined a public service media campaign circulated by the Office of National Drug Control Policy that tied the "war on drugs" with another security concern in the U.S., the "war on terror." This case demonstrated how the media campaign uses messages about race, masculinity, and femininity to produce privileged notions of state identity and proper citizenship. The third case examined the gendered politics of drug interdiction at the U.S. border. Using qualitative research methodologies including semi-structured interviews and participant observation, it examined how gender is produced through drug interdiction at border sites like Miami International Airport. By paying attention to the discourse that circulates about women drug couriers, it showed how gender is normalized in a national security setting. ^ What this dissertation found is that illicit drug control policy takes the form it does because of the politics of gender and racial identity and that, as a result, illicit drug policy is implicated in the reproduction of gender and racial inequities. It concluded that a more socially conscious and successful illicit drug policy requires an awareness of the gendered and racialized assumptions that inform and shape policy practices.^

The rise of Islamism among Turkish immigrants in Germany and the Netherlands

This study is a comparative study of the Turkish Islamist movement Milli Görüş (IGMG) in Germany and the Netherlands. It is a qualitative and a quantitative inquiry about the nature (whether it is moderate or radical) of the Milli Görüş movement in these two countries. The central research questions are: what is the reason for the rise of Islamism among Turks living in two different countries in Europe? What is the reason for the difference in the radicalization levels? Islamism refers to an ideology that turns traditional Islam into a sustained and systematic program that includes social, political, and economic affairs (Pipes 1998). The movements within the framework of Islamism range from moderate to radical. Based on the data collected during the field research conducted in Germany and the Netherlands between the years of 2004-2007, this study suggests that Islamism is a response to social marginalization which is defined as “an external social position, of isolation of the individual or groups, with a limited access to economical, political, educational and communicational resources of the community” (Contained in the law adopted by the Romanian Parliament in 28 February 2002, www.hurriyetim.com, November 25, 2004). It is hypothesized that as the level of social marginalization increases, so does the level of radicalization.

Translating international norms: Filters to women's rights in Lebanon

In 1979 the United Nations passed the Convention on the Elimination of All Forms of Discrimination against Women (CEDAW), an international bill of rights for women. Much scholarship has focused on the degree to which states have adopted these new international gender norms, but have paid little attention to the fact that norms change in the processes of implementation. This dissertation focuses on that process assessing the translation of international gender equality norm in Lebanon.^ The study traces global gender equality norms as they are translated into a complex context characterized by a political structure that divides powers according to confessional groups, a social structure that empowers men as heads of families, and a geopolitical structure that opposes a secular West to the Muslim East. Through a comparison of three campaigns – the campaign to combat violence against women, the campaign to change personal status codes, and the campaign to give women equal rights to pass on their nationality – the study traces different ways in which norms are translated as activists negotiate the structures that make up the Lebanese context. Through ethnographic research, the process of norm translation was found to produce various filters, i.e., constellations of arguments put forward by activists as they seek to match international norms to the local context. The dissertation identifies six such filters and finds that these filters often have created faithless translations of international norms.^