902 resultados para Ambiguous ethnic dominance


Relevância:

20.00% 20.00%

Publicador:

Resumo:

The pars triangular is a portion of Broca's area. The convolutions that form the inferior and caudal extent of the pars triangularis include the anterior horizontal and anterior ascending rami of the sylvian fissure, respectively. To learn if there are anatomic asymmetries of the pars triangularis, these convolutions were measured on volumetric magnetic resonance imaging scans of 11 patients who had undergone selective hemispheric anesthesia (Wada testing) to determine hemispheric speech and language lateralization. Of the 10 patients with language lateralized to the left hemisphere, 9 had a leftward asymmetry of the pars triangularis. The 1 patient with language lateralized to the right hemisphere had a significant rightward asymmetry of the pars triangularis. Our data suggest that asymmetries of the pars triangularis may be related to speech-language lateralization.

Relevância:

20.00% 20.00%

Publicador:

Resumo:

Transmission of human immunodeficiency virus 1 (HIV-1) from an infected women to her offspring during gestation and delivery was found to be influenced by the infant's major histocompatibility complex class II DRB1 alleles. Forty-six HIV-infected infants and 63 seroreverting infants, born with passively acquired anti-HIV antibodies but not becoming detectably infected, were typed by an automated nucleotide-sequence-based technique that uses low-resolution PCR to select either the simpler Taq or the more demanding T7 sequencing chemistry. One or more DR13 alleles, including DRB1*1301, 1302, and 1303, were found in 31.7% of seroreverting infants and 15.2% of those becoming HIV-infected [OR (odds ratio) = 2.6 (95% confidence interval 1.0-6.8); P = 0.048]. This association was influenced by ethnicity, being seen more strongly among the 80 Black and Hispanic children [OR = 4.3 (1.2-16.4); P = 0.023], with the most pronounced effect among Black infants where 7 of 24 seroreverters inherited these alleles with none among 12 HIV-infected infants (Haldane OR = 12.3; P = 0.037). The previously recognized association of DR13 alleles with some situations of long-term nonprogression of HIV suggests that similar mechanisms may regulate both the occurrence of infection and disease progression after infection. Upon examining for residual associations, only only the DR2 allele DRB1*1501 was associated with seroreversion in Caucasoid infants (OR = 24; P = 0.004). Among Caucasoids the DRB1*03011 allele was positively associated with the occurrence of HIV infection (P = 0.03).

Relevância:

20.00% 20.00%

Publicador:

Resumo:

Microbial community structure in natural environments has remained largely unexplored yet is generally considered to be complex. It is shown here that in a Mid-Atlantic Ridge hydrothermal vent habitat, where food webs depend on prokaryotic primary production, the surface microbial community consists largely of only one bacterial phylogenetic type (phylotype) as indicated by the dominance of a single 16S rRNA sequence. The main part of its population occurs as an ectosymbiont on the dominant animals, the shrimp Rimicaris exoculata, where it grows as a monoculture within the carapace and on the extremities. However, the same bacteria are also the major microbial component of the free-living substrate community. Phylogenetically, this type forms a distinct branch within the epsilon-Proteobacteria. This is different from all previously studied chemoautotrophic endo- and ectosymbioses from hydrothermal vents and other sulfidic habitats in which all the bacterial members cluster within the gamma-Proteobacteria.

Relevância:

20.00% 20.00%

Publicador:

Resumo:

This research project examines the role of electoral system rules in affecting the extent of conciliatory behavior and cross-ethnic coalition making in Northern Ireland. It focuses on the role of the Single Transferable Vote (STV) electoral system in shaping party and voter incentives in a post-conflict divided society. The research uses a structured, focused comparison of the four electoral cycles since the Belfast Agreement of 1998. This enables a systematic examination of each electoral cycle using a common set of criteria focused on conciliation and cross-ethnic coalition making. Whilst preference voting is assumed to benefit moderate candidates, in Northern Ireland centrist and multi-ethnic parties outside of the dominant ethnic communities have received little electoral success. In Northern Ireland the primary effect of STV has not been to encourage inter-communal voting but to facilitate intra-community and intra-party moderation. STV has encouraged the moderation of the historically extreme political parties in each of the ethnic bloc. Patterns across electoral cycles suggest that party elites from the Democratic Unionist Party (DUP) and Sinn Fein have moderated their policy positions due to the electoral system rules. Therefore they have pursued lower-preference votes from within their ethnic bloc but in doing so have marginalized parties of a multi-ethnic or non-ethnic orientation.

Relevância:

20.00% 20.00%

Publicador:

Resumo:

La migración es una respuesta a cambios estacionales del clima generando desplazamientos periódicos entre hábitats de cría y de invernada, permitiendo así el uso temporal de los recursos disponibles. La migración implica unos costes energéticos muy elevados, un aumento de la depredación potencial, variaciones ambientales y una disponibilidad de alimento impredecible a lo largo de la ruta migratoria; por lo que es una de las actividades más desafiantes de su ciclo vital. A pesar de ello, los beneficios de la migración compensan sus costes. La migración está programada genéticamente, siendo relativamente constante en su momento, distancia y dirección. Por otro lado, ambiente juega un papel predominante en algunas poblaciones, pudiendo modificar el comportamiento migratorio de una estrategia parcial o facultativa a un modo de vida sedentario. Con el fin de describir el origen y evolución del comportamiento migratorio en aves, se ha propuesto un “modelo de umbral” genético para determinar si un ave es migrante o sedentaria. Dentro de una variable continua (p.ej. la concentración de proteínas u hormonas), este modelo asume que existe una actividad migratoria subyacente implicada en su expresión génica. Este umbral divide cada variable en categorías dicotómicas que definen el fenotipo de un individuo. Los ejemplares sin actividad migratoria muestran valores por debajo de este umbral, siendo clasificados como sedentarios, mientras que los ejemplares migrantes muestran valores por encima del umbral definido. Los cambios de estrategia vital no dependen únicamente de la posición del umbral determinado genéticamente sino también de las variables ambientales, por lo que dichas variaciones deben ser añadidas al modelo. Este modelo de umbral ambiental predice que el carácter migratorio de los individuos situados en los extremos de distribución no se encuentra afectado por los factores ambientales, mientras que aquellos más próximos al umbral pueden más fácilmente cambiar su estrategia migratoria...

Relevância:

20.00% 20.00%

Publicador:

Resumo:

Deadly, inter-ethnic group conflict remains a threat to international security in a world where the majority of armed violence occurs not only within states but in the most ungoverned areas within states. Conflicts that occur between groups living in largely ungoverned areas often become deeply protracted and are difficult to resolve when the state is weak and harsh environmental conditions place human security increasingly under threat. However, even under these conditions, why do some local conflicts between ethnic groups escalate, whereas others do not? To analyze this puzzle, the dissertation employs comparative methods to investigate the conditions under which violence erupts or stops and armed actors choose to preserve peace. The project draws upon qualitative data derived from semi-structured interviews, focus group dialogues, and participant observation of local peace processes during field research conducted in six conflict-affected counties in Northern Kenya. Comparative analysis of fifteen conflict episodes with variable outcomes reveals the conditions under which coalitions of civic associations, including local peace committees, faith-based organizations, and councils of elders, inter alia, enhance informal institutional arrangements that contain escalation. Violence is less likely to escalate in communities where cohesive coalitions provide platforms for threat-monitoring, informal pact making, and enforcement of traditional codes of restitution. However, key scope conditions affect whether or not informal organizational structures are capable of containing escalation. In particular, symbolic acts of violence and the use of indiscriminant force by police and military actors commonly undermine local efforts to contain conflict. The dissertation contributes to the literatures on civil society and peacebuilding, demonstrating the importance of comparing processes of escalation and non-escalation and accounting for interactive effects between modes of state and non-state response to local, inter-ethnic group conflict.

Relevância:

20.00% 20.00%

Publicador:

Resumo:

This conceptual study explores ethnic identity development theory in order to argue that ethnic identity development education is a means of developing broad senses of community in the African Diaspora that expand beyond a tribal, local, familial level. This study suggests that the broadening of community understanding would contribute to establishing social sustainability on regional, national and international levels within the Pan African community. Establishing such social sustainability would have direct effects on the areas of economic and environmental sustainability. One of the goals of this project is to offer suggestions for ethnically relevant education that can develop social sustainability in several places throughout the Diaspora, such as in Nigeria where ethnic conflicts are a contemporary concern.

Relevância:

20.00% 20.00%

Publicador:

Resumo:

The groundbreaking scope of the Economic Partnership Agreement (EPA) between the European Union (EU) and Cariforum (CF) irrefutably marks a substantive shift in trade relations between the regions and also has far-reaching implications across several sectors and levels. Supplementing the framework of analysis of Structural Foreign Policy (SFP) with neo-Gramscian theory allows for a thorough investigation into the details of structural embeddedness based on the EU's historic directionality towards the Caribbean region; notably, encouraging integration into the global capitalist economy by adapting to and adopting the ideals of neoliberal economics. Whilst the Caribbean – as the first and only signatory of a ‘full’ EPA – may be considered the case par excellence of the success of the EPAs, this paper demonstrates that there is no cause-effect relationship between the singular case of the ‘full’ CF-EU EPA and the success of the EPA policy towards the ACP in general. The research detailed throughout this paper responds to two SFP-based questions: (1) To what extent is the EPA a SFP tool aimed at influencing and shaping the structures in the Caribbean? (2) To what extent is the internalisation of this process reflective of the EU as a hegemonic SFP actor vis-à-vis the Caribbean? This paper affirms both the role of the EU as a hegemonic SFP actor and the EPA as a hegemonic SFP tool. Research into the negotiation, agreement and controversy that surrounds every stage of the EPA confirmed that through modern diplomacy and an evolution in relations, consensus is at the fore of contemporary EU-Caribbean relations. Whilst at once dealing with the singular case of the Caribbean, the author offers a nuanced approach beyond 'EU navel-gazing' by incorporating an ‘outside-in’ perspective, which thereafter could be applied to EU-ACP relations and the North-South dialogue in general.

Relevância:

20.00% 20.00%

Publicador:

Resumo:

The statements made in recent weeks by Russian officials, and especially President Vladimir Putin, in connection with Moscow’s policy towards Ukraine, may suggest that the emergence of a certain doctrine of Russian foreign and security policy is at hand, especially in relation to the post-Soviet area. Most of the arguments at the core of this doctrine are not new, but recently they have been formulated more openly and in more radical terms. Those arguments concern the role of Russia as the defender of Russian-speaking communities abroad and the guarantor of their rights, as well as specifically understood good neighbourly relations (meaning in fact limited sovereignty) as a precondition that must be met in order for Moscow to recognise the independence and territorial integrity of post-Soviet states. However, the new doctrine also includes arguments which have not been raised before, or have hitherto only been formulated on rare occasions, and which may indicate the future evolution of Russia’s policy. Specifically, this refers to Russia’s use of extralegal categories, such as national interest, truth and justice, to justify its policy, and its recognition of military force as a legitimate instrument to defend its compatriots abroad. This doctrine is effectively an outline of the conceptual foundation for Russian dominance in the post-Soviet area. It offers a justification for the efforts to restore the unity of the ‘Russian nation’ (or more broadly, the Russian-speaking community), within a bloc pursuing close integration (the Eurasian Economic Union), or even within a single state encompassing at least parts of that area. As such, it poses a challenge for the West, which Moscow sees as the main opponent of Russia’s plans to build a new order in Europe (Eurasia) that would undermine the post-Cold War order.

Relevância:

20.00% 20.00%

Publicador:

Resumo:

Ethnicity and ethnic parties have often been portrayed as a threat to political stability. There is also no shortage of conflicts with an ethnic flavor. Yet, this book challenges the notion that the organization of politics in heterogeneous societies should necessarily overcome ethnicity. Rather, descriptive representation of ethnic groups arguably has potential to increase regime support and reduce conflict. The book studies partisan-descriptive representation of up to 130 ethnic groups in central and eastern European democracies. Ethnic minority parties are found to only run and succeed if they can expect electoral support sufficient to pass the electoral threshold. Conditional on gender and strategies of representation, ethnic representation increases satisfaction with democracy among the minority population. While protest rises given moderate levels of representation, it is reduced once ethnic groups have access to executives. In conclusion, a proportional vision of power-sharing between ethnic groups receives some qualified empirical support.