990 resultados para political subject


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Teaching and research are organised differently between subject domains: attempts to construct typologies of higher education institutions, however, often do not include quantitative indicators concerning subject mix which would allow systematic comparisons of large numbers of higher education institutions among different countries, as the availability of data for such indicators is limited. In this paper, we present an exploratory approach for the construction of such indicators. The database constructed in the AQUAMETH project, which includes also data disaggregated at the disciplinary level, is explored with the aim of understanding patterns of subject mix. For six European countries, an exploratory and descriptive analysis of staff composition divided in four large domains (medical sciences, engineering and technology, natural sciences and social sciences and humanities) is performed, which leads to a classification distinguishing between specialist and generalist institutions. Among the latter, a further distinction is made based on the presence or absence of a medical department. Preliminary exploration of this classification and its comparison with other indicators show the influence of long term dynamics on the subject mix of individual higher education institutions, but also underline disciplinary differences, for example regarding student to staff ratios, as well as national patterns, for example regarding the number of PhD degrees per 100 undergraduate students. Despite its many limitations, this exploratory approach allows defining a classification of higher education institutions that accounts for a large share of differences between the analysed higher education institutions.

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El presente trabajo de investigación doctoral reflexiona sobre el aporte de las prácticas artísticas contemporáneas en los procesos de diálogo entre culturas en el Mediterráneo. En las dinámicas de percepción, acercamiento y (re)conocimiento del otro y de las culturas otras, todos los medios informativos y de comunicación pueden ser, por un lado, válidos y efectivos como, por otro, pueden desviar de la verdad y difundir fácilmente numerosos prejuicios. Frente a la “síntesis” operada por los medios de comunicación tradicionales, donde “el Otro” es a menudo objeto de representaciones estereotipadas, las prácticas artísticas, en su sentido más amplio, contraponen un “análisis” que puede permitir, en diferentes casos, la eliminación de las barreras y un mayor acercamiento a la cultura otra. En la presente investigación se quiere trazar un itinerario teórico que parte de las hipótesis orientalistas, pasa por las filosofías del encuentro con el otro; los estudios sobre la participación; las actuales reflexiones sobre la estética relacional; las definiciones históricas y socio-políticas del Mediterráneo; hasta llegar a reconocer en el arte, en la creación artística, el medio de comunicación más eficaz y penetrante a la hora de refinar el conocimiento y (re)descubrir los diferentes aspectos de las culturas de los países y de los pueblos del Mediterráneo. En el espacio plural del Mediterráneo las prácticas artísticas y creativas actuales actúan como un campo de experimentación y un territorio de debate valioso e importante para el desarrollo del discurso intercultural.

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Després de 30 anys de la restauració de la Generalitat es desconeix gairebé tot del perfil social de l¿elit política Governamental catalana, aquest Treball fa una aproximació inicial al tema a partir dels últims quatre Governs de la Generalitat de Catalunya. Els seus membres presenten biaix social respecte la població d¿acord amb el model d¿aglutinació de les elits polítiques, tot i això el model de Desproporció Social Creixent només es valida respecte el gènere. El seu perfil és el d¿un home, de més edat que la mitjana, nascut a Catalunya, amb la carrera prèvia desenvolupada a Barcelona ciutat, amb una formació molt per sobre de la mitjana i de professió economista. Aquest perfil no és exactament el mateix que el dels Parlamentaris regionals espanyols, les diferències es centren l¿edat i la professió mentre que el gènere, l¿origen i el nivell de formació coincideixen. S¿observa també que els Governs d¿esquerra-centre esquerra presenten un percentatge lleugerament superior de dones que la resta, els membres vinculats amb PANE són més joves, incorporen menys dones, menys immigrants interiors, menys educadors i no presenten credencials educatives sensiblement diferents del membres vinculats a partits d¿àmbit estatal.

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While regulation theory literature has made important contributions to the much-debated domain of globalisation by focusing on various aspects of post-Fordism, it has not yet fully engaged with the implications that can be drawn from critical approaches in international political economy. Recent studies have explored the transnational bases of new patterns and agents of change beyond states, firms and institutions traditionally involved in regulatory practices. Hybrid is often used as a default attribute reflecting lack of clear understanding of the breadth of this new type of influence and the opacity of the means involved. Drawing on the insights of philology and mythology, the paper argues that the notion of hybrid is relevant in elucidating the ontological ambiguity between imaginary and real aspects of globalisation. Furthermore, it specifies the categories involved in the analysis of emerging forms of hybrid regulation. Recent scholarship on globalisation tends to focus on the private-public nexus of the subjects involved in new forms of institutional arrangements and authority. Here, subjects, objects and space are analysed as joint issues. By focusing particularly on transformations affecting the role of the state, forms of competition, and their rescaling on a transnational basis, the concept of global hybrid is seen as complementary to the emancipation of regulation approaches from early emphasis on national levels of compromises.

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According to the World Health Organization, traumatic injuries worldwide are responsible for over 5 million deaths annually. Post-traumatic bleeding caused by traumatic injury-associated coagulopathy is the leading cause of potentially preventable death among trauma patients. Despite these facts, awareness of this problem is insufficient and treatment options are often unclear. The STOP the Bleeding Campaign therefore aims to increase awareness of the phenomenon of post-traumatic coagulopathy and its appropriate management by publishing European guidelines for the management of the bleeding trauma patient, by promoting and monitoring the implementation of these guidelines and by preparing promotional and educational material, organising activities and developing health quality management tools. The campaign aims to reduce the number of patients who die within 24 hours after arrival in the hospital due to exsanguination by a minimum of 20% within the next 5 years.

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The search of new health management formulas focused to give wide services is one of the priorities of our present health policies. Those formulas examine the optimization of the links between the main actors involved in public health, ie, users, professionals, local socio-political and corporate agents. This paper is aimed to introduce the Social Network Analysis as a method for analyzing, measuring and interpreting those connections. The knowledge of people's relationships (what is called social networks) in the field of public health is becoming increasingly important at an international level. In fact, countries such as UK, Netherlands, Italy, Australia and U.S. are looking formulas to apply this knowledge to their health departments. With this work we show the utility of the ARS on topics related to sustainability of the health system, particularly those related with health habits and social support, topics included in the 2020 health strategies that underline the importance of the collaborative aspects in networks.

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The low quality of education is a persistent problem in many developed countries. Parallel to in the last decades exists a tendency towards decentralization in many developed and developing countries. Using micro data from the Programme for International Student Assessment (PISA) referred to 22 countries, we test whether there exists an impact of fiscal and political decentralization on student performance in the areas of mathematics, reading skills and science. We observe that fiscal decentralization exerts an unequivocal positive effect on students’ outcomes in all areas, while the effect of political decentralization is more ambiguous. On the one hand, the capacity of the subnational governments to rule on its region has a positive effect on students’ performance in mathematics. On the other hand, the capacity to influence the country as a whole has a negative impact on mathematics achievement. As a general result, we observe that students’ performance in Mathematics is more sensible to these exogenous variations than in Sciences and reading skills. Keywords: School outcomes, PISA, fiscal decentralization, political decentralization JEL codes: H11, H77, I21

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BACKGROUND The rate of avoidable caesarean sections (CS) could be reduced through multifaceted strategies focusing on the involvement of health professionals and compliance with clinical practice guidelines (CPGs). Quality improvements for CS (QICS) programmes (QICS) based on this approach, have been implemented in Canada and Spain. OBJECTIVES Their objectives are as follows: 1) Toto identify clusters in each setting with similar results in terms of cost-consequences, 2) Toto investigate whether demographic, clinical or context characteristics can distinguish these clusters, and 3) Toto explore the implementation of QICS in the 2 regions, in order to identify factors that have been facilitators in changing practices and reducing the use of obstetric intervention, as well as the challenges faced by hospitals in implementing the recommendations. METHODS Descriptive study with a quantitative and qualitative approach. 1) Cluster analysis at patient level with data from 16 hospitals in Quebec (Canada) (n = 105,348) and 15 hospitals in Andalusia (Spain) (n = 64,760). The outcome measures are CS and costs. For the cost, we will consider the intervention, delivery and complications in mother and baby, from the hospital perspective. Cluster analysis will be used to identify participants with similar patterns of CS and costs based, and t tests will be used to evaluate if the clusters differed in terms of characteristics: Hospital level (academic status of hospital, level of care, supply and demand factors), patient level (mother age, parity, gestational age, previous CS, previous pathology, presentation of the baby, baby birth weight). 2) Analysis of in-depth interviews with obstetricians and midwives in hospitals where the QICS were implemented, to explore the differences in delivery-related practices, and the importance of the different constructs for positive or negative adherence to CPGs. Dimensions: political/management level, hospital level, health professionals, mothers and their birth partner. DISCUSSION This work sets out a new approach for programme evaluation, using different techniques to make it possible to take into account the specific context where the programmes were implemented.

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Aquest treball de recerca fa un estudi comparatiu del videojoc de terror amb el seu homòleg cinematogràfic. L’objectiu és arribar a saber si els dos mitjans de comunicació usen les mateixes tècniques per transmetre les seves històries i per crear suspens. Aquesta investigació és només una part d'un estudi més ampli amb el que es pretén tenir un coneixement més aprofundit de les emocions de la gent i les reaccions que els provoca un videojoc de terror en comparació amb la visualització de l'adaptació cinematogràfica del corresponent videojoc.

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It is commonly believed that majority voting enhances parties to cluster around the centre of the political space, whereas proportional systems (PR) foster great ideological divergence. The theoretical arguments for these expectations go back to the work of Downs (1957) and Duverger (1954). More recent studies, however, produced quite contradictory empirical findings. In this paper I will test whether similar arguments hold true for the positioning of candidates campaigning in different electoral systems. The elections for the two chambers of the Swiss Parliament and the data from the Swiss Electoral Studies (SELECTS) and the Swiss Voting Advice Application (VAA) smartvote offer an excellent - almost laboratory like - opportunity to do so empirically. The analyses show clearly, the theoretical claims that majority voting necessarily fosters more moderate positions find no support. The candidates for the Council of States, elected in a majority system, are not more moderate than their fellow party candidates for the National Council which are elected in a PR system.