866 resultados para nascent venture


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Camera trapping is a scientific survey technique that involves the placement of heat-and motion-sensing automatic triggered cameras into the ecosystem to record images of animals for the purpose of studying wildlife. As technology continues to advance in sophistication, the use of camera trapping is becoming more widespread and is a crucial tool in the study of, and attempts to preserve, various species of animals, particularly those that are internationally endangered. However, whatever their value as an ecological device, camera traps also create a new risk of incidentally and accidentally capturing images of humans who venture into the area under surveillance. This article examines the current legal position in Australia in relation to such unintended invasions of privacy. It considers the current patchwork of statute and common laws that may provide a remedy in such circumstances. It also discusses the position that may prevail should the recommendations of either the Australian Law Reform Commission and/or New South Wales Law Reform Commission be adopted and a statutory cause of action protecting personal privacy be enacted.

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The higher education sector in Australia is under increasing pressure to prove quality and efficacy of education provision, including graduate outcomes. One of the central tasks of higher education has become to prepare nascent professionals as far as possible for initial employment and future working lives beyond this (Boden & Nedeva, 2010). Tertiary educators in the creative arts face significant and distinctive challenges in demonstrating graduate employability, and creative graduates consistently have the poorest outcomes of any subject grouping. In part, this is because the national graduate destinations survey (Graduate Careers Council of Australia, 2012) does not cater to the distinctive ‘portfolio’ nature of creative careers, or take account of the fact that creative careers can take concerted effort over several years to establish (e.g., McCowan & Wyganowska, 2010). However, it is worth asking whether we as tertiary arts educators are doing enough to prepare creative arts students for the world of work, particularly given that the majority of them will be self-employed to some degree (Bureau of Labour Statistics, 2011, Throsby & Zednik, 2010), and will be challenged to build their own careers without recourse to the support of HR departments or intra-firm promotion schemes. It has been demonstrated empirically that career management and creative enterprise skills are among the most important graduate capabilities in determining early creative career success (Bridgstock, 2011), although these skills do not appear in the Learning and Teaching Academic Standards for the Creative and Performing Arts (2010). This paper explores the nature and development of enterprise capabilities for creative arts students (as distinct from students of the business school), examines best practice in the field internationally, and proposes a theoretically-driven creative arts-specific enterprise curriculum model which commences in first year, for demonstrable impact on student enterprise behaviours (such as grant seeking, professional networking and intention to start an enterprise) and employability.

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Evidence suggests that both nascent and young firms (henceforth: “new firms”)—despite typically being small and resource-constrained—are sometimes able to innovate effectively. Such firms are seldom able to invest in lengthy and expensive development processes, which suggests that they may frequently rely instead on other pathways to generate innovativeness within the firm. In this paper, we develop and test arguments that “bricolage,” defined as making do by applying combinations of the resources at hand to new problems and opportunities, provides an important pathway to achieve innovation for new resource-constrained firms. Through bricolage, resource-constrained firms engage in the processes of “recombination” that are core to creating innovative outcomes. Based on a large longitudinal dataset, our results suggest that variations in the degree to which firms engage in bricolage behaviors can provide a broadly applicable explanation of innovativeness under resource constraints by new firms. We find no general support for our competing hypothesis that the positive effects may level off or even turn negative at high levels of bricolage..

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This series of research vignettes is aimed at sharing current and interesting research findings from our team of international Entrepreneurship researchers. This vignette, written by Professor Per Davidsson, takes a closer look at the value of business planning.

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Research on opportunity has been extensively studied in contexts of new firm or new venture creation (Choi & Shepherd, 2004; Mullins & Forlani, 2005; Ozgen & Baron, 2007) where start-ups and new ventures use both opportunity discovery and opportunity creation (Alvarez & Barney 2005, 2007). Less research is found on examining the relationship between opportunity and innovation in existing firms (with Drucker (1985) an exception). In large firms, opportunity recognition has been analysed in terms of antecedent conditions, elements and outcomes (Ireland, Covin & Kuratko, 2009), but to date less attention has been given to how small and medium enterprises capture and use opportunities to remain competitive. Little research has been carried out regarding how smaller firms use opportunities to create new business with existing customers or use technological advances with new customers to create new economic activity, growth and competitive advantage. This study presents findings from a comparative case analysis of 20 diverse firms in the spatial information industry and identifies constructs associated with identifying opportunities that lead to better business performance and firm level innovation.

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The term fashion system describes inter-relationships between production and consumption illustrating how the production of fashion is a collective activity. For instance, Yuniya Kawamura notes systems for the production of fashion differ around the globe and are subject to constant change, and Jennifer Craik draws attention to an ‘array of competing and intermeshing systems cutting across western and non-western cultures. In China, Shanghai’s nascent fashion system seeks to emulate the Eurocentric system of Fashion Weeks and industry support groups. It promises emergent designers a platform for global competition, yet there are tensions from within. Interaction with a fashion system inevitably means becoming validated or legitimised. Legitimisation in turn depends upon gatekeepers who make aesthetic judgments about the status, quality and cultural value of a designers work. Notwithstanding the proliferation of fashion media, in Shanghai a new gatekeeper has arrived, seeking to filter authenticity from artifice, offering truth in a fashion market saturated with fakery and the hollowness of foreign consumptive practice, and providing a place of sanctuary for Chinese fashion design. Thus this paper discusses how new agencies are allowing designers in Shanghai greater control over their brand image while creating novel opportunities for promotion and sales. It explores why designers choose this new model and provides new knowledge of the curation of fashion by these gatekeepers.

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The term fashion system describes inter-relationships between production and consumption, illustrating how the production of fashion is a collective activity. For instance, Yuniya Kawamura (2011) notes systems for the production of fashion differ around the globe and are subject to constant change, and Jennifer Craik (1994, 6) draws attention to an ‘array of competing and intermeshing systems cutting across western and non-western cultures. In China, Shanghai’s nascent fashion system seeks to emulate the Eurocentric system of Fashion Weeks and industry support groups. It promises designers a platform for global competition, yet there are tensions from within. Interaction with a fashion system inevitably means becoming validated or legitimised. Legitimisation in turn depends upon gatekeepers who make aesthetic judgments about the status, quality, and cultural value of a designers work (Becker 2008). My paper offers a new perspective on legitimisation that is drawn mainly from my PhD research. I argue that some Chinese fashion designers are on the path to becoming global fashion designers because they have embraced a global aesthetic that resonates with the human condition, rather than the manufactured authenticity of a Eurocentric fashion system that perpetuates endless consumption. In this way, they are able to ‘self-legitimise’. I contend these designers are ‘designers for humans’, because they are able to look beyond the mythology of fashion brands, and the Eurocentric fashion system, where they explore the tensions of man and culture in their practice. Furthermore, their design ethos pursues beauty, truth and harmony in the Chinese philosophical sense, as well as incorporating financial return in a process that is still enacted through a fashion system. Accordingly, cultural tradition, heritage and modernity, while still valuable, have less impact on their practice.

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‘SUGAR: Service users and carers group advising on research’ is an exciting initiative established to develop collaborative working in mental health nursing research between mental health service users, carers, researchers and practitioners at City University London, UK. This paper will describe the background to SUGAR and how and why it was established; how the group operates; some of the achievements to date including researcher reflections; and case studies of how this collaboration influences our research. Written reflective narratives of service user and carer experiences of SUGAR were analysed using constant comparative methods by the members. Common themes are presented with illustrative quotes. The article highlights the benefits and possible limitations identified so far by members of SUGAR; outlines future plans and considers the findings in relation to literature on involvement and empowerment. This paper has been written by staff and members of SUGAR and is the first venture into collaborative writing of the group and reflects the shared ethos of collaborative working.

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Australian apps developers typify global industry segmentation, varying in function, focus, employment situation and background. They range from freelancers contracted to build apps on demand and venture capital-backed or bootstrapped startups, to specialist app studios and full service digital agencies for whom apps are one among many services that may include web development, marketing, advertising, business strategy, branding and games development.

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A recent success story of the Australian videogames industry is Brisbane based Halfbrick Studios, developer of the hit game for mobile devices, Fruit Ninja. Halfbrick not only survived the global financial crisis and an associated downturn in the Australian industry, but grew strongly, moving rapidly from developing licensed properties for platforms such as Game Boy Advance, Nintendo DS, and Playstation Portable (PSP) to becoming an independent developer and publisher of in-house titles, generating revenue both through App downloads and merchandise sales. Amongst the reasons for Halfbrick’s success is their ability to adaptively transform by addressing different technical platforms, user dynamics, business models and market conditions. Our ongoing case-study research from 2010 into Halfbrick’s innovation processes, culminating with some 10 semi-structured interviews with senior managers and developers, has identified a strong focus on workplace organisational culture, with staff reflecting that the company is a flat, team-based organisation devolving as much control as possible to the development teams directly, and encouraging a work-life balance in which creativity can thrive. The success of this strategy is evidenced through Halfbrick’s low staff turnover; amongst our interviewees most of the developers had been with the company for a number of years, with all speaking positively of the workplace culture and sense of creative autonomy they enjoyed. Interviews with the CEO, Shainiel Deo, and team leaders highlighted the autonomy afforded to each team and the organisation and management of the projects on which they work. Deo and team leaders emphasised the collaboration and communication skills they require in the developers that they employ, and that these characteristics were considered just as significant in hiring decisions as technical skills. Halfbrick’s developers celebrate their workplace culture and insist it has contributed to their capacity for innovation and to their commercial success with titles such as Fruit Ninja. This model of organisational management is reflected in both Stark’s (2009) idea of heterarchy, and Neff’s (2012) concept of venture labour, and provides a different perspective on the industry than the traditional political economy critique of precarious labour exploited by gaming conglomerates. Nevertheless, throughout many of the interviews and in our informal discussions with Halfbrick developers there is also a sense that this rewarding culture is quite tenuous and precarious in the context of a rapidly changing and uncertain global videogames industry. Whether such a workplace culture represents the future of the games industry, or is merely a ‘Prague Spring’ before companies such as Halfbrick are swallowed by traditional players’ remains to be seen. However, as the process of rapid and uncertain transformation plays out across the videogames industry, it is important to pay attention to emerging modes of organisation and workplace culture, even whilst they remain at the margins of the industry. In this paper we investigate Halfbrick’s workplace culture and ask how sustainable is this kind of rewarding and creative workplace?

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This chapter is concerned with innovation that involves creative cultural occupations, but not within the creative industries. Rather, we examine the operation of cultural creative occupations that exist outside the creative industries - so-called 'embedded creatives' who work across all industry sectors (Cunningham and Higgs 2009). In doing so, we concur with Bilton (2007) that the separation of creative industries from other industries is a 'false step'. All industries must be innovative; however, they also must be able to combine both scientific and artistic creativity, and that creativity comes from the intersection of different thinking styles (Kurtzberg 2005). Moreover, we suggest that there are now detailed empirical studies, as well as a nascent theoretical base, to suggest that the transdisciplinarity which results from embedded cultural creativity is an engine of growth in the broader economy. Thus, it is relevant to both policymakers and managers. This chapter addresses the following questions: What is the role and significance of the embedded creative? Given a paucity of detailed empirical work in the area to date, what can be deduced from what extant literature there is about the nature of employment and management of these workers? And what are the practical implications of these consideration?

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This chapter begins with a discussion of the economic, political, and social context of the recent global financial crisis, which casts into relief current boundaries of criminology, permeated and made fluid in criminology's recent cultural turn. This cultural turn has reinvigorated criminology, providing new objects of analysis and rich and thick descriptions of the relationship between criminal justice and the conditions of life in ‘late modernity’. Yet in comparison with certain older traditions that sought to articulate criminal justice issues with a wider politics of contestation around political economies and social welfare policies of different polities, many of the current leading culturalist accounts tend in their globalized convergences to produce a strangely decontextualized picture in which we are all subject to the zeitgeist of a unitary ‘late modernity’ which does not differ between, for example, social democratic and neo-liberal polities, let alone allow for the widespread persistence of the pre-modern. It is argued that that contrary to this globalizing trend there are signs within criminology that life is being breathed back into social democratic and penal welfare concerns, habitus, and practices. The chapter discusses three of these signs: the emergence of neo-liberalism as a subject of criminology; a developing comparative penology which recognizes differences in the political economies of capitalist states and evinces a renewed interest in inequality; and a nascent revolt against the ‘generative grammar’, ‘pathological disciplinarities’, and ‘imaginary penalities’ of neoliberal managerialism.

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Much of what we currently understand about the structure and energetics of multiply charged anions in the gas phase is derived from the measurement of photoelectron spectra of simple dicarboxylate dianions. Here we have employed a modified linear ion-trap mass spectrometer to undertake complementary investigations of the ionic products resulting from laser-initiated electron photodetachment of two model dianions. Electron photodetachment (ePD) of the \[M-2H](2-) dianions formed from glutaric and adipic acid were found to result in a significant loss of ion signal overall, which is consistent with photoelectron studies that report the emission of slow secondary electrons (Xing et al., 2010 \[201). The ePD mass spectra reveal no signals corresponding to the intact \[M-2H](center dot-) radical anions, but rather \[M-2H-CO2](center dot-) ions are identified as the only abundant ionic products indicating that spontaneous decarboxylation follows ejection of the first electron. Interestingly however, investigations of the structure and energetics of the \[M-2H-CO2](center dot-) photoproducts by ion-molecule reaction and electronic structure calculation indicate that (i) these ions are stable with respect to secondary electron detachment and (ii) most of the ion population retains a distonic radical anion structure where the radical remains localised at the position of the departed carboxylate moiety. These observations lead to the conclusion that the mechanism for loss of ion signal involves unimolecular rearrangement reactions of the nascent \[M-2H](center dot-) carbonyloxyl radical anions that compete favourably with direct decarboxylation. Several possible rearrangement pathways that facilitate electron detachment from the radical anion are identified and are computed to be energetically accessible. Such pathways provide an explanation for prior observations of slow secondary electron features in the photoelectron spectra of the same dicaboxylate dianions. (C) 2013 Elsevier B.V. All rights reserved.

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The process of dying at home brings the nexus between the paternalism of conventional palliative care and a social understanding of end of life care into sharp focus. Away from institutional places of care, issues of ownership, compliance and communal responsibility are heightened. At this interface, palliative care services are confronted with the irony of relinquishing their 'ownership' of dying whilst leading communities to reclaim their principal role in the business of dying. This benign – but enduring – paternalism remains a barrier to a paradigmatic shift towards a more complete understanding of the business of dying. Whilst nascent attempts to promote community engagement in end of life issues are evident in the interface between palliative care and public health, dying remains, for the most part, the remit of health care services. In this article, I contend that the business of dying is incompletely attended. This lack of attention will be partially redressed here by considering the home as a fitting death scene.

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This article examines two instances of media policy involving satellite transmission and Indigenous television: the introduction of the Viewer Access Satellite Television (VAST) platform in 2010 and the introduction of AUSSAT in the mid-1980s. The government’s failure to provide community and Indigenous broadcasters with an access regime at the time of AUSSAT resulted in Australia’s first and only Indigenous commercial television licensee, Imparja. Over a quarter of a century later, Imparja now forms part of the joint-venture company that runs VAST, a key component of Australia’s digital switchover planning. During the passage of the legislative amendments required to establish VAST, the issue of access resurfaced – this time in relation to Australia’s national and community Indigenous television channels. The article recounts the events leading up to the 2010 Bill, and examines the intended and unintended consequences of satellite policy in relation to Indigenous media, including equalisation and transparency of government funding programs.