925 resultados para intellectuals and politics – Brazil


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Twelve species of parasitic helminths, seven trematodes, four nematodes and one acanthocephalan are reported from various hosts. Creptotrema lynchi, a parasite from Bufo marinus in Colombia, is described for the first time in fish and from Brazil, parasitizing two different species. A list of the host species, measurements and figures of most parasites are included with particular reference to the tegument of Bellumcorpus major recovered from a new host. The genus Zonocotyloides Padilha, 1978 is considered a synonym of Zonocotyle and the new combination: Zonocotyle haroltravassosi is proposed to the species Zonocotyloides haroltravassosi Padilha, 1978. The nematodes Cucullanus pinnai and Procamallanus (Spirocamallanus) inopinatus and the trematode Pararhipidocotyle jeffersoni are reported in new hosts. The description of the acanthocephalan Neoechinorhynchus curemais (new locality record) is supplemented. Other parasites recovered include the nematodes Travnema travnema (new locality record), Rondonia rondoni and the digenetic trematodes Cladocystis intestinalis, Pseudosellacotyla lutzi (new locality record), Teratotrema sp. and Zonocotyle bicaecata.

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Introduction In my thesis I argue that economic policy is all about economics and politics. Consequently, analysing and understanding economic policy ideally has at least two parts. The economics part, which is centered around the expected impact of a specific policy on the real economy both in terms of efficiency and equity. The insights of this part point into which direction the fine-tuning of economic policies should go. However, fine-tuning of economic policies will be most likely subject to political constraints. That is why, in the politics part, a much better understanding can be gained by taking into account how the incentives of politicians and special interest groups as well as the role played by different institutional features affect the formation of economic policies. The first part and chapter of my thesis concentrates on the efficiency-related impact of economic policies: how does corporate income taxation in general, and corporate income tax progressivity in specific, affect the creation of new firms? Reduced progressivity and flat-rate taxes are in vogue. By 2009, 22 countries are operating flat-rate income tax systems, as do 7 US states and 14 Swiss cantons (for corporate income only). Tax reform proposals in the spirit of the "flat tax" model typically aim to reduce three parameters: the average tax burden, the progressivity of the tax schedule, and the complexity of the tax code. In joint work, Marius Brülhart and I explore the implications of changes in these three parameters on entrepreneurial activity, measured by counts of firm births in a panel of Swiss municipalities. Our results show that lower average tax rates and reduced complexity of the tax code promote firm births. Controlling for these effects, reduced progressivity inhibits firm births. Our reading of these results is that tax progressivity has an insurance effect that facilitates entrepreneurial risk taking. The positive effects of lower tax levels and reduced complexity are estimated to be significantly stronger than the negative effect of reduced progressivity. To the extent that firm births reflect desirable entrepreneurial dynamism, it is not the flattening of tax schedules that is key to successful tax reforms, but the lowering of average tax burdens and the simplification of tax codes. Flatness per se is of secondary importance and even appears to be detrimental to firm births. The second part of my thesis, which corresponds to the second and third chapter, concentrates on how economic policies are formed. By the nature of the analysis, these two chapters draw on a broader literature than the first chapter. Both economists and political scientists have done extensive research on how economic policies are formed. Thereby, researchers in both disciplines have recognised the importance of special interest groups trying to influence policy-making through various channels. In general, economists base their analysis on a formal and microeconomically founded approach, while abstracting from institutional details. In contrast, political scientists' frameworks are generally richer in terms of institutional features but lack the theoretical rigour of economists' approaches. I start from the economist's point of view. However, I try to borrow as much as possible from the findings of political science to gain a better understanding of how economic policies are formed in reality. In the second chapter, I take a theoretical approach and focus on the institutional policy framework to explore how interactions between different political institutions affect the outcome of trade policy in presence of special interest groups' lobbying. Standard political economy theory treats the government as a single institutional actor which sets tariffs by trading off social welfare against contributions from special interest groups seeking industry-specific protection from imports. However, these models lack important (institutional) features of reality. That is why, in my model, I split up the government into a legislative and executive branch which can both be lobbied by special interest groups. Furthermore, the legislative has the option to delegate its trade policy authority to the executive. I allow the executive to compensate the legislative in exchange for delegation. Despite ample anecdotal evidence, bargaining over delegation of trade policy authority has not yet been formally modelled in the literature. I show that delegation has an impact on policy formation in that it leads to lower equilibrium tariffs compared to a standard model without delegation. I also show that delegation will only take place if the lobby is not strong enough to prevent it. Furthermore, the option to delegate increases the bargaining power of the legislative at the expense of the lobbies. Therefore, the findings of this model can shed a light on why the U.S. Congress often practices delegation to the executive. In the final chapter of my thesis, my coauthor, Antonio Fidalgo, and I take a narrower approach and focus on the individual politician level of policy-making to explore how connections to private firms and networks within parliament affect individual politicians' decision-making. Theories in the spirit of the model of the second chapter show how campaign contributions from lobbies to politicians can influence economic policies. There exists an abundant empirical literature that analyses ties between firms and politicians based on campaign contributions. However, the evidence on the impact of campaign contributions is mixed, at best. In our paper, we analyse an alternative channel of influence in the shape of personal connections between politicians and firms through board membership. We identify a direct effect of board membership on individual politicians' voting behaviour and an indirect leverage effect when politicians with board connections influence non-connected peers. We assess the importance of these two effects using a vote in the Swiss parliament on a government bailout of the national airline, Swissair, in 2001, which serves as a natural experiment. We find that both the direct effect of connections to firms and the indirect leverage effect had a strong and positive impact on the probability that a politician supported the government bailout.

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The subject of this conference reflects the scientific community's interest in seeking to understand the complex causal web whose various social, economic, and biological components interact in the production and reproduction of schistosomiasis and its control in relation to community participation. From the onset, the author stresses the impossibility of dealing separately with community participation, as if social components were just one more "weapon" in the arsenal for schistosomiasis control. This study begins with a brief historical review of the 71 years of control activities with this endemic disease, stressing the enormous efforts and huge expenditures in this field vis-à-vis the limited results, despite the extraordinary technological development of specific, classical control inputs such as new treatment drugs and molluscicides. The article then discusses the various strategies used in control programs, emphasizing ideological consistencies and contradictions. Interactions at the macro and micro levels are discussed, as are the determinants and risk factors involved in producing the disease's endemicity. Unequal occupation of space leaves the segregated portion of the population exposed to extremely favorable conditions for transmission of the disease. This raises the issue of how to control an endemic disease which is so closely linked to the way of life imposed on the population. The study challenges the classical control model and suggests an alternative model now undergoing medium-term investigation in the States of Espirito Santo, and Pernambuco, Brazil. The author concludes that we do not need new strategies, but a new control model, contrary to the prevailing classical model in both concept and practice. From the conceptual point of view, the new model mentioned above is different from others in that schistosomiasis control is seen from a social perspective stressing the population's accumulated knowledge in addition to the building of shared knowledge. The model's praxis has the following characteristics: (1) it is integrated with and financed by research agencies and health services; (2) it operates at the local health services level; (3) use of molluscicides has been eliminated; (4) emphasis is given to individual medical treatment and improvement of sanitary conditions.

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Genetic diversity among three field populations of Lutzomyia longipalpis in Colombia was studied using isozyme analysis. Study sites were as much as 598 km apart and included populations separated by the eastern Cordillera of the Andes. Genetic variability among populations, estimated by heterozygosity, was within values typical for insects in general (8.1%). Heterozygosity for field populations were compared with a laboratory colony from Colombia (Melgar colony) and were only slightly lower. These results suggest that establishment and long term maintenance of the Melgar colony has had little effect on the level of isozyme variability it carries. Genetic divergences between populations was evaluated using estimates of genetic distance. Genetic divergence among the three field populations was low (D=0.021), suggesting they represent local populations within a single species. Genetic distance between field populations and the Melgar colony was also low (D=0.016), suggesting that this colony population does not depart significantly from natural populations. Finally, comparisons were made between Colombian populations and colonies from Brazil and Costa Rica. Genetic distance values were high between Colombian and both Brazil and Costa Rica colony populations (D=0.199 and 0.098 respectively) providing additional support for our earlier report that populations from the three countries represent distinct species

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The molecular karyotype of nine Trypanosoma rangeli strains was analyzed by contour-clamped homogeneous electric field electrophoresis, followed by the chromosomal localization of ß-tubulin, cysteine proteinase, 70 kDa heat shock protein (hsp 70) and actin genes. The T. rangeli strains were isolated from either insects or mammals from El Salvador, Honduras, Venezuela, Colombia, Panama and southern Brazil. Also, T. cruzi CL-Brener clone was included for comparison. Despite the great similarity observed among strains from Brazil, the molecular karyotype of all T. rangeli strains analyzed revealed extensive chromosome polymorphism. In addition, it was possible to distinguish T. rangeli from T. cruzi by the chromosomal DNA electrophoresis pattern. The localization of ß-tubulin genes revealed differences among T. rangeli strains and confirmed the similarity between the isolates from Brazil. Hybridization assays using probes directed to the cysteine proteinase, hsp 70 and actin genes discriminated T. rangeli from T. cruzi, proving that these genes are useful molecular markers for the differential diagnosis between these two species. Numerical analysis based on the molecular karyotype data revealed a high degree of polymorphism among T. rangeli strains isolated from southern Brazil and strains isolated from Central and the northern South America. The T. cruzi reference strain was not clustered with any T. rangeli strain.

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From August 1999 to January 2000, samples of house dust were collected from 160 domiciles in the city of Juiz de Fora, State of Minas Gerais, Brazil. In 36 of these domiciles kitchen samples were obtained. Prevalence rate was 77.5%, varying according to the geographical sector. There were found 2,278 specimens of mites, with 1,530 (67.2%) in the adult stage and 748 (32.8%) in immature forms. The main species found were Dermatophagoides pteronyssinus, D. farinae, Euroglyphus maynei, Blomia tropicalis and Tyrophagus putrescentiae. In a minor incidence we found Lepidoglyphus destructor, Suidasia pontificiae, Chortoglyphus arcuatus, Cheyletus malaccensis, C. fortis, Ker bakeri, Cheletonella vespertilionis, C. caucasica and others. C. vespertilionis and C. caucasica were identified for the first time in the domiciliary ecosystem and in Brazil. The abundance rate and the infestation intensity were analyzed. There was a varied correlation between climatic conditions and positive domiciles and number of mites. The difference between the number of positive domiciles in the urban area and in the expanding urban area was significant and so was the difference between samples from the domiciles compared to those from the kitchens.

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The larva and pupa of Culex (Melanoconion) ocossa Dyar & Knab are redescribed and those of Culex (Melanoconion) delpontei Duret and Culex (Melanoconion) pereyrai Duret are described from specimens collected in the states of São Paulo and Paraná, Brazil. The pupa of Cx. ocossa differs from those of the other two species in having seta 5-IV-VI dark with strongly aciculated branches, and caudolateral angle of segment VIII produced into sharp point, and seta 1-P present; Cx. delpontei can be distinguished from Cx. pereyrai in possessing paddle lightly tanned, trumpet flared, and wing and leg cases lightly tanned, without pattern of dark spots; Cx. pereyrai can be recognized by having wing case with pattern of dark, discontinuously pigmented, longitudinal lines, and trumpet cylindrical, not flared. The larvae of the three species share the presence of seta 2-C placed medially to seta 1-C.

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Scanty information, limited to selected areas of the country, is available on cancer mortality in Brazil. Age-standardized (world population) mortality rates between 1980 and 2004, derived from the WHO database, were computed for all cancers and 24 major cancer sites in Brazil. Joinpoint regression analyses were used to identify the significant changes in trends and estimate annual percent change (APC) in rates. Total cancer mortality rates increased over the last decade in men (APC = 0.5) to reach 101.2/100 000, and in women (APC = 0.3) to reach 71.3/100 000. In men, upward trends were observed for cancers of the oral cavity and pharynx with a rate of 5.9/100 000 in 2000-2004, intestines (whose rate, however was low, i.e. 7.6), prostate (12.2), and leukemias (3.4). Male lung cancer increased until 1993 (APC = 1.39) and decreased thereafter (APC = -0.29), with a relatively low rate of 16.2/100 000 in 2000-2004. In women, there were steady upward trends for cancers of the lung (APC = 2.3), reaching 6.2/100 000 in 2000-2004, and leukemias (2.5). Breast cancer mortality leveled off at around 10/100 000 in the last decade, whereas declines were observed for cancers of the uterus, whose rate (8.3) however, remained comparatively high. Declines were observed for stomach cancer in both sexes, with rates of 11.1 in men and 4.6 in women. In conclusion, the key issues of cancer mortality in Brazil are the high rates of head and neck cancers in men and (cervix) uterine cancer in women, that is, in principle cancers that are largely avoidable through prevention, screening, and early diagnosis.

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The present work analyzes the epidemiology of schistosomiasis in Brazil, its expansion, the attempts to control the disease, and the overall difficulties. The authors present the distribution of schistosomiasis intermediary hosts in Brazil, the migration routes of the human population, and disease distribution in highly and lowly endemic areas and isolated foci. They also analyze the controlling programs developed from 1977 to 2002, indicating the prevalence evolution and the reduction of disease morbi-mortality. In addition, the authors also evaluate controlling methods and conclude that: (a) no isolated method is able to control schistosomiasis, and every controlling program should consider the need of a multidisciplinary application of existing methods; (b) in long term, basic sanitation, potable water supply, as well as sanitary education, and community effective participation are important for infection control; (c) in short term, specific treatment at endemic areas, associated with control of intermediary hosts at epidemiologically important foci, are extremely relevant for controlling disease morbidity, although not enough for interrupting infection transmission.

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(Résumé de l'ouvrage) In a world society ruled by economic globalisation, by political interests and theories such as Huntington's «clash of civilisations» that widen the gap between the North and the South, the question should be asked of the role of the religion. To what extent religion and politics can work together? Can faith still be thought as a means of saving the world? Considering that Christianity, Islam and Judaism have much in common, this collection of miscellanies wonders if these religions can join their forces for public benefit. Senior and junior scholars from all over the world, gathered for an interdisciplinary seminar, analyse the contemporary international relationships and geopolitics through the prism of religion, discussing whether it can provide practical solutions to solve conflicts and increase the respect of human rights.

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Strategies for controlling Chagas disease are based on spraying infested houses with pyrethroid insecticides. However, the intense use of these insecticides has promoted resistance of Triatoma infestans and, in Argentina, Bolivia and Southern Brazil, low levels of resistance have been reported. Due to the persistence of T. infestans in the state of Rio Grande do Sul (RS), we evaluated the occurrence of deltamethrin resistance in four strains from different municipalities in comparison to two susceptible strains from Brazil and one resistant strain from Bolivia. The results indicated the absence of resistance in T. infestansfrom RS.

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Chagas disease, named after Carlos Chagas, who first described it in 1909, exists only on the American Continent. It is caused by a parasite, Trypanosoma cruzi, which is transmitted to humans by blood-sucking triatomine bugs and via blood transfusion. Chagas disease has two successive phases: acute and chronic. The acute phase lasts six-eight weeks. Several years after entering the chronic phase, 20-35% of infected individuals, depending on the geographical area, will develop irreversible lesions of the autonomous nervous system in the heart, oesophagus and colon, and of the peripheral nervous system. Data on the prevalence and distribution of Chagas disease improved in quality during the 1980s as a result of the demographically representative cross-sectional studies in countries where accurate information was not previously available. A group of experts met in Brasilia in 1979 and devised standard protocols to carry out countrywide prevalence studies on human T. cruzi infection and triatomine house infestation. Thanks to a coordinated multi-country programme in the Southern Cone countries, the transmission of Chagas disease by vectors and via blood transfusion was interrupted in Uruguay in 1997, in Chile in 1999 and in Brazil in 2006; thus, the incidence of new infections by T. cruzi across the South American continent has decreased by 70%. Similar multi-country initiatives have been launched in the Andean countries and in Central America and rapid progress has been reported towards the goal of interrupting the transmission of Chagas disease, as requested by a 1998 Resolution of the World Health Assembly. The cost-benefit analysis of investment in the vector control programme in Brazil indicates that there are savings of US$17 in medical care and disabilities for each dollar spent on prevention, showing that the programme is a health investment with very high return. Many well-known research institutions in Latin America were key elements of a worldwide network of laboratories that carried out basic and applied research supporting the planning and evaluation of national Chagas disease control programmes. The present article reviews the current epidemiological trends for Chagas disease in Latin America and the future challenges in terms of epidemiology, surveillance and health policy.

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This article investigates some central aspects of the relationships between programme structure and implementation of sulphur dioxide air quality control policies. Previous implementation research, primarily adopting American approaches, has neglected the connections between the processes of programme formulation and implementation. 'Programme', as the key variable in implementation studies, has been defined too narrowly. On the basis of theoretical and conceptual reflections and provisional empirical results from studies in France, Italy, England, and the Federal Republic of Germany, the authors demonstrate that an integral process analysis using a more extended programme concept is necessary if patterns of interest recognition in policies are to be discovered. Otherwise, the still important question of critical social science cannot be answered, namely, what is the impact of special interests upon implementation processes.

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Summary The field of public finance focuses on the spending and taxing activities of governments and their influence on the allocation of resources and distribution of income. This work covers in three parts different topics related to public finance which are currently widely discussed in media and politics. The first two parts deal with issues on social security, which is in general one of the biggest spending shares of governments. The third part looks at the main income source of governments by analyzing the perceived value of tax competition. Part one deals with the current problem of increased early retirement by focusing on Switzerland as a special case. Early retirement is predominantly considered to be the result of incentives set by social security and the tax system. But the Swiss example demonstrates that the incidence of early retirement has dramatically increased even in the absence of institutional changes. We argue that the wealth effect also plays an important role in the retirement decision for middle and high income earners. An actuarially fair, but mandatory funded system with a relatively high replacement rate may thus contribute to a low labor market participation rate of elderly workers. We provide evidence using a unique dataset on individual retirement decisions in Swiss pension funds, allowing us to perfectly control for pension scheme details. Our findings suggest that affordability is a key determinant in the retirement decisions. The higher the accumulated pension capital, the earlier men, and to a smaller extent women, tend to leave the workforce. The fact that early retirement has become much more prevalent in the last 15 years is a further indicator of the importance of a wealth effect, as the maturing of the Swiss mandatory funded pension system over that period has led to an increase in the effective replacement rates for middle and high income earners. Part two covers the theoretical side of social security. Theories analyzing optimal social security benefits provide important qualitative results, by mainly using one general type of an economy. Economies are however very diverse concerning numerous aspects, one of the most important being the wealth level. This can lead to significant quantitative benefit differences that imply differences in replacement rates and levels of labor supply. We focus on several aspects related to this fact. In a within cohort social security model, we introduce disability insurance with an imperfect screening mechanism. We then vary the wealth level of the model economy and analyze how the optimal social security benefit structure or equivalently, the optimal replacement rates, changes depending on the wealth level of the economy, and if the introduction of disability insurance into a social security system is preferable for all economies. Second, the screening mechanism of disability insurance and the threshold level at which people are defined as disabled can differ. For economies with different wealth levels, we determine for different thresholds the screening level that maximizes social welfare. Finally, part three turns to the income of governments, by adding an element to the controversy on tax competition versus tax harmonization.2 Inter-jurisdictional tax competition can generate at least two potential benefits or costs: On a public level, tax competition may result in a lower or higher efficiency in the production of public services. But there is also a more private benefit in the form of an option for individuals to move to a community with a lower tax rate in the future. To explore the value citizens attach to tax competition we analyze a unique popular vote for a complete tax harmonization between communities in the third largest Swiss canton, Vaud. Although a majority of voters would have seemingly benefited from replacing the current tax rate by a revenue-neutral average tax rate, the proposal was rejected by a large margin. Our estimates suggest that the estimated combined perceived benefit from tax competition is in the range of 10%.

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The present thesis is about cognitions of left-wing activists and the role they play to better understand contentious participation. It compares activists of three post-industrial social movement organizations in Switzerland, i.e. Solidarity across Borders defending migrant's rights, the Society of Threatened People promoting collective human rights and Greenpeace protecting the environment. It makes use of an innovative mixed methods design combining survey and interview data. The main theoretical contribution is to conceptualize an analytical tool enabling to grasp the cognitive map of these activists by putting forward the concept of strong citizen, summing up their relation to society and politics. The relation to society consists of an extensive relation to others and an interconnected vision of society. Consequently, their primary concerns include the handing of common goods and the equal treatment of individuals with regard to common goods. The relation to politics incorporates a critical and vigilant citizen. They are critical towards political authorities and they appreciate political action by organized groups of the civil society. The thesis states that only by having such worldviews activists are able to construct an injustice, agency and identity frame for the claims of their organizations. Thus, the present work delivers a parsimonious answer to the question of where an injustice, agency and identity frame comes from. It does so by a systematic analysis of four specific arguments. First, it empirically demonstrates that these activists have - at the aggregate level - specific cognitive resources compared to the general population. Second, it describes the content of this specific cognitive outlook by evaluating the appropriateness of the strong citizen concept. Third, it looks at variations between activist's communities and shows that activists of more challenging protest issues are stronger citizens than activists of more mainstream protests. Finally, cognitions are not the only part of the story if one looks at contentious participation. Other factors, i.e. social networks and biographical availability, matter too. Therefore, I test if cognitions are able to contribute in explaining differences between activists' communities if one controls for other factors. In sum, this thesis is thus a first step to demonstrate why one should be concerned about activists' cognitions. - Cette thèse s'intéresse aux cognitions des activistes de gauche et à leur rôle dans le phénomène de la participation contestataire. Des activistes de trois organisations post- industrielles en Suisse sont comparé, à savoir Solidarité sans Frontières qui défend les droits des migrants, la Société des Peuples menacés qui promeut les droits des collectivités minoritaires et Greenpeace qui oeuvre pour la protection de l'environnement. Cette recherche utilise un « mixed methods design » en combinant de manière innovant des données de sondage et d'entretiens. Ma principale contribution théorique réside dans la conceptualisation d'un outil analytique qui permet de saisir la « carte cognitive » des activistes, à travers le concept de « strong citizen » qui se réfère à la relation spécifique qu'entretiennent certains individus avec la société et la politique. Ces individus sont caractérisés par une vision inclusive et interconnectée de la société, ainsi que par une conception politique du citoyen comme critique et vigilant. Mon argument principal est celui selon lequel seuls les individus possédant ce type particulier de cognitions sont capable de construire un cadre d'injustice, d'« agency » et d'identité. Cette thèse apporte donc quelques éléments de réponse à la question de l'origine de ces cadres cognitifs qui sont cruciales pour la participation. Pour ce faire, quatre aspects spécifiques sont analysés de manière systématique. Premièrement, je démontre empiriquement, au niveau agrégé, que ces activistes possèdent effectivement des ressources cognitives spécifiques - en comparaison avec la population générale. Deuxièmement, j'analyse le contenu de ces cognitions, ce qui me permet notamment d'évaluer la pertinence et l'adéquation du concept de « strong citizen ». Troisièmement, en m'intéressant cette fois aux variations entre communautés d'activistes, je démontre que ceux réunis autour d'enjeux protestataires très revendicatifs sont, d'un point de vue cognitif, plus proches de la figure du « strong citizen » que ceux mobilisés sur des enjeux plus consensuels. Finalement, d'autres facteurs, à savoir les réseaux sociaux et la disponibilité biographique, sont intégrés à l'analyse afin de mesurer le réel pouvoir explicatif des cognitions dans l'explication des différences observées entre communautés d'activistes. A travers ces analyses, cette thèse met en avant l'importance du rôle des cognitions dans l'étude de la participation contestataire.