Towards a Variety of Family Models: Economic Contributions of Spouses and Family Power

In Western societies the increase in female employment (especially among married women) is seen as having brought about the crisis of the traditional model of the family, reinforcing the position of the "modern" model - the egalitarian family with two working spouses and a "dual-career" family. In contrast, the transitional situation in the post-communist countries during the 1990s is producing a crisis of the family with two working spouses (the basic type of the communist period) and leading to new power relations within the family. While the growth of dual-earner households in this century has implied modification of family models towards greater symmetry of responsibility for breadwinning and homemaking, there is considerable evidence that women's increased employment does not necessarily lead to a more egalitarian approach to gender roles within the family. The group set out to investigate the economic situation of families and economic power within the fame as a crucial factor in the transformation of families with two working spouses in order to reveal the specific patterns of gender contracts and power relations within the family that are emerging in response to the current political and economic transformation. They opted for a comparative approach, selecting the Czech Republic as a country where the very similar tendencies of a few years ago (almost 100% of women employed and the family as a realm of considerable private freedom where both women's and men's gender identities and the traditional distribution of family responsibilities were largely preserved) are combined with a very different experience in terms of economic inequalities during the 1990s to that of Russia. In the first stage of the study they surveyed 300 married couples (150 in each country) on the question of breadwinning. They then carried out in-depth interviews with 10 couples from each country (selected from among the educated layers of the population), focusing on the process of the social construction of gender, using breadwinning and homemaking as gender boundaries which distinguish men from women. By analysing changes in social position and the type of interpersonal interaction of spouses they distinguished two main types of family contracts: the neo-traditional "communal sharing" (with male breadwinner, traditional distribution of family chores and negotiated family power) and the modern one based on negotiated agreement. The most important pre-conditions of husband-wife agreement about breadwinning seemed to imply their overall gender ideology rather than the economic and/or family circumstances. In general, wives were more likely to express egalitarian views, supporting the blurring or even elimination of many gender boundaries. Husbands, on the other hand, more often gave responses calling for the continued maintenance of gender boundaries. The analysis showed that breadwinning is still an important gender boundary in these cultures, one that is assumed unless it is explicitly questioned and that is seen as part of what makes a man a "real man". The majority of respondents seemed to be committed to egalitarian ideology on gender roles and the distribution of family tasks, including decision making, but this is contradicted by the persistent idea of the husband as the breadwinner. This contradiction is more characteristic of the Russian situation than of the Czech. The quantitative study showed a difference in prevailing family models between the two countries, with a clearer shift towards the traditional family contract in the Russian case. The Czechs were more likely to consider their partnerships as based on negotiated agreement, while the Russians saw theirs as based on egalitarian contract, in both cases seeing this as the norm. The majority of couples said they felt satisfied with their marriage, although in both countries wives seemed to be less satisfied. There was however a difference in the issues that aroused dissatisfaction, with Czech women being more sensitive to issues such as self-realisation, personal independence, understanding and recognition in the family, and Russians to issues of love, understanding and recognition. The most disputed area for the majority of families was chores in the home, presumably because in many families both husband and wife were working hard outside the home and because a number of partners had differing views as to the ideal distribution of chores within the family. The distribution of power in the family seems to be linked to the level of well being. The analysis showed that in the dominant democratic model there is still an inverse connection between family leadership and well being: the more prominent the wife's position as head of the family is, the lower the level of family income. This may reflect both the husband's refusal to play the leading role in the family and even his rejection of any involvement in family issues in such a family. The qualitative research revealed that both men and women see the breadwinning role to be an essential part of masculine identity, a role which the female partner would take on temporarily to assist the male but not permanently since this would threaten the gender boundaries and the man's identity. At the same time, few breadwinners expressed a sense of job satisfaction and all considered their choice as imposed on them by the circumstances (i.e. having a family in difficult times). The group feel that family orientation and some loss of personal involvement in their profession is partly reflected in the fact that many of the men felt more comfortable and self-confident at home than at work. Women's work, on the other hand, was largely seen as a source of personal and self-realisation and social life. Eight out of ten of the Russian women interviewed were employed, although only two on a full-time basis, but none saw their jobs as adding substantially to the family budget. Both partners see the most important factor as the wife's wish to work or stay at home, and do not think it wise for the wife to work at the expense of her part of the "family contract", although husbands from the "egalitarian" relationships expressed more willingness to compromise. The analysis showed clearly that wives and husbands did not construct gender boundaries in isolation, with the interviews providing clear evidence of negotiation. At the same time, husbands' interpretations of their wives' employment were less susceptible to the influence of negotiation than were their gender attitudes and norms about breadwinning. One of the most interesting aspects of the spouses' negotiations was the extent to which they disagreed about what they seemed to have agreed upon. Most disagreements about the breadwinning boundaries, however, were over norms and were settled by changes in norms rather than in behavioural interpretation. Changes in norms were often a form of peace offering or were in response in changes in circumstances. The study did show, however, that many of the efforts at cooperation and compensation were more symbolic than real and the group found the plasticity of expressed gender ideology to be one of the most striking findings of their work. They conclude that the shift towards more traditional gednder distributions of incomes and domestic chores does not automatically mean the reestablishment of a patriarchal model of family power. On the contrary, it seems to be a compromise formation, relatively unstable, temporary and containing self-defeating forces as the split between the personal and professional value of work and its social value expressed in a money equivalent cannot be maintained for generations.

Firing Up the Crucible with Senator Lee Metcalf & Governor Forrest Anderson -- Judge Gordon Bennett in “The Crucible of Change”

During the lead-up to Montana second progressive era, Lee Metcalf and Forrest Anderson, along with others, kept the progressive flame lit in Montana. Metcalf’s political history is replete with close electoral wins because of his commitment to progressive ideals when the times were not always politically favorable for that. As State Legislator, MT Supreme Court Justice, Congressman and eventually as US Senator, Lee won races by as little as 55 votes because he stuck to his guns as a progressive. In Forrest Anderson’s career as a County Attorney, State Legislator, MT Supreme Court Justice and 12 years as MT Attorney General he was respected as a pragmatic practitioner of politics. But during that entire career leading up to his election as Governor, Forrest Anderson was also a stalwart supporter of the progressive agenda exemplified by FDR and the New Deal, which brought folks out of the Great Depression that was brought on by the bad policies of the GOP and big business. As MT’s second progressive period began in 1965, the first important election was Senator Metcalf’s successful re-election battle in 1966 with the sitting MT Governor, Tim Babcock. And the progressive express was really ignited by the election of Forrest Anderson as Governor in 1968 after 16 years of Republican Governors in MT. Gordon Bennett played a rather unique role, being a confidant of Metcalf and Anderson, both who respected his wide and varied experience, his intellect, and his roots in progressivism beginning with his formative years in the Red Corner of NE Montana. Working with Senator Metcalf and his team, including Brit Englund, Vic Reinemer, Peggy McLaughlin, Betty Davis and Jack Condon among others, Bennett helped shape the progressive message both in Washington DC and MT. Progressive labor and farm organizations, part of the progressive coalition, benefitted from Bennett’s advice and counsel and aided the Senator in his career including the huge challenge of having a sitting popular governor run against him for the Senate in 1966. Metcalf’s noted intern program produced a cadre of progressive leaders in Montana over the years. Most notably, Ron Richards transitioned from Metcalf Intern to Executive Secretary of the Montana Democratic Party (MDP) and assisted, along with Bennett, in the 1966 Metcalf-Babcock race in a big way. As Executive Secretary Richards was critical to the success of the MDP as a platform for Forrest Anderson’s general election run and win in 1968. After Forrest’s gubernatorial election, Richards became Executive Assistant (now called Chief of Staff) for Governor Anderson and also for Governor Thomas Judge. The Metcalf progressive strain, exemplified by many including Richards and Bennett, permeated Democratic politics during the second progressive era. So, too, did the coalition that supported Metcalf and his policies. The progressivism of the period of “In the Crucible of Change” was fired up by Lee Metcalf, Forrest Anderson and their supporters and coalitions, and Gordon Bennett was in the center of all of that, helping fire up the crucible, setting the stage for many policy advancements in both Washington DC and Montana. Gordon Bennett’s important role in the 1966 re-election of Senator Lee Metcalf and the 1968 election of Governor Forrest Anderson, as well as his wide experience in government and politics of that time allows him to provide us with an insider’s personal perspective of those races and other events at the beginning of the period of progressive change being documented “In the Crucible of Change,” as well as his personal insights into the larger political/policy picture of Montana. Gordon Bennett, a major and formative player “In the Crucible of Change,” was born in the far northeast town of Scobey, MT in 1922. He attended school in Scobey through the eighth grade and graduated from Helena High School. After attending Carroll College for two years, he received his BA in economics from Carleton College in Northfield, MN. During a brief stint on the east coast, his daily reading of the New York Times (“best newspaper in the world at that time … and now”) inspired him to pursue a career in journalism. He received his MA in Journalism from the University of Missouri and entered the field. As a reporter for the Great Falls Tribune under the ownership and management of the Warden Family, he observed and competed with the rigid control of Montana’s press by the Anaconda Company (the Great Falls Tribune was the only large newspaper in Montana NOT owned by ACM). Following his intellectual curiosity and his philosophical bend, he attended a number of Farm-Labor Institutes which he credits with motivating him to pursue solutions to economic and social woes through the law. In 1956, at the age of 34, he received his Juris Doctorate degree from the Georgetown University Law Center in Washington, DC. Bennett’s varied career included eighteen years as a farmer, four years in the US Army during WWII (1942-46), two years as Assistant MT Attorney General (1957-59) with Forrest Anderson, three years in private practice in Glasgow (1959-61), two years as Associate Solicitor in the Department of Interior in Washington, DC (1961-62), and private law practice in Helena from 1962 to 1969. While in Helena he was an unsuccessful candidate for the Montana Supreme Court (1962) and cemented his previous relationships with Attorney General Forrest Anderson and US Senator Lee Metcalf. Bennett modestly refuses to accept the title of Campaign Manager for either Lee Metcalf (1966 re-election over the challenger, MT Republican Governor Tim Babcock) or Forrest Anderson (his 1968 election as Governor), saying that “they ran their campaigns … we were only there to help.” But he has been generally recognized as having filled that critical role in both of those critical elections. After Governor Anderson’s election in 1968, Bennett was appointed Director of the MT Unemployment Compensation Commission, a position from where he could be a close advisor and confidant of the new Governor. In 1971, Governor Anderson appointed him Judge in the most important jurisdiction in Montana, the 1st Judicial District in Helena, a position he held for seventeen years (1971-88). Upon stepping down from his judgeship, for twenty years (1988-2008) he was a law instructor, mediator and arbitrator. He currently resides in Helena with his wife, Norma Tirrell, former newspaper reporter and researcher/writer. Bennett has two adult children and four grandchildren.

Efforts and Models of Education for Parents: the Danish Approach

The report examines the relationship between day care institutions, schools and so called “parents unfamiliar to education” as well as the relationship between the institutions. With in Danish public and professional discourse concepts like parents unfamiliar to education are usually referring to environments, parents or families with either no or just very restricted experience of education except for the basic school (folkeskole). The “grand old man” of Danish educational research, Prof. Em. Erik Jørgen Hansen, defines the concept as follows: Parents who are distant from or not familiar with education, are parents without tradition of education and by that fact they are not able to contribute constructively in order to back up their own children during their education. Many teachers and pedagogues are not used to that term; they rather prefer concepts like “socially exposed” or “socially disadvantaged” parents or social classes or strata. The report does not only focus on parents who are not capable to support the school achievements of their children, since a low level of education is usually connected with social disadvantage. Such parents are often not capable of understanding and meeting the demands from side of the school when sending their children to school. They lack the competencies or the necessary competence of action. For the moment being much attention is done from side of the Ministries of Education and Social Affairs (recently renamed Ministry of Welfare) in order to create equal possibilities for all children. Many kinds of expertise (directions, counsels, researchers, etc.) have been more than eager to promote recommendations aiming at achieving the ambitious goal: 2015 95% of all young people should complement a full education (classes 10.-12.). Research results are pointing out the importance of increased participation of parents. In other word the agenda is set for ‘parents’ education’. It seems necessary to underline that Danish welfare policy has been changing rather radical. The classic model was an understanding of welfare as social assurance and/or as social distribution – based on social solidarity. The modern model looks like welfare as social service and/or social investment. This means that citizens are changing role – from user and/or citizen to consumer and/or investor. The Danish state is in correspondence with decisions taken by the government investing in a national future shaped by global competition. The new models of welfare – “service” and “investment” – imply severe changes in hitherto known concepts of family life, relationship between parents and children etc. As an example the investment model points at a new implementation of the relationship between social rights and the rights of freedom. The service model has demonstrated that weakness that the access to qualified services in the field of health or education is becoming more and more dependent of the private purchasing power. The weakness of the investment model is that it represents a sort of “The Winner takes it all” – since a political majority is enabled to make agendas in societal fields former protected by the tripartite power and the rights of freedom of the citizens. The outcome of the Danish development seems to be an establishment of a political governed public service industry which on one side are capable of competing on market conditions and on the other are able being governed by contracts. This represents a new form of close linking of politics, economy and professional work. Attempts of controlling education, pedagogy and thereby the population are not a recent invention. In European history we could easily point at several such experiments. The real news is the linking between political priorities and exercise of public activities by economic incentives. By defining visible goals for the public servants, by introducing measurement of achievements and effects, and by implementing a new wage policy depending on achievements and/or effects a new system of accountability is manufactured. The consequences are already perceptible. The government decides to do some special interventions concerning parents, children or youngsters, the public servants on municipality level are instructed to carry out their services by following a manual, and the parents are no longer protected by privacy. Protection of privacy and minority is no longer a valuable argumentation to prevent further interventions in people’s life (health, food, school, etc.). The citizens are becoming objects of investment, also implying that people are investing in their own health, education, and family. This means that investments in changes of life style and development of competences go hand in hand. The below mentioned programmes are conditioned by this shift.

The Beauty and the Beast. A Tale of Democratic Crises and Globalization

There are two competing hypotheses concerning the connection between democracy and globalization. The critics hold globalization responsible for an ongoing crisis of democracy. The enthusiasts highlight the positive contributions of financial openness and international political cooperation on the development of democracy. In this contribution the author investigates the interrelation between globalization and the quality of established democracies. He introduces the Democracy Barometer, a new instrument that measures the quality of democracy in 30 established democratic regimes between 1995 and 2005 and that explicitly does not measure sustainable government because it aims at serving as dependent as well as independent variable to explain different economic, societal and natural environment, i.e. sustainable development. Based on this instrument, the author first shows that one cannot speak of an ongoing crisis of (established) democracies. Second, he also conducts several multilevel analyses to model the different developments of the quality of democracy in the different countries. The author then shows that economy, i.e. economic globalization indeed has a positive impact on the quality of democracy. However, this impact is stronger in stable, i.e. older than in younger established democracies. Further investigations show that a high quality of democracy also goes hand in hand with societal and environmental performance.

The Family Partners Credit Card: A Token Economy System Adapted for Intensive Family Preservation Services to Enable Families to Manage Difficult Behavior of Adolescents

Increasingly, families referred for Intensive Family Preservation Services have not experienced a crisis of maltreatment, focused on the parent; rather these families have children with chronic behavioral difficulties for which their parents lack the skills to cope. These are the same families whose children were formerly placed in residential programs. This paper presents The Family Partners Credit Card System, incorporating behavioral techniques developed to treat children in out-of-home placements into a family preservation model. Two case examples illustrate how the system has been modified to train biological or adoptive parents in parenting skills, enable them to teach their children pro-family behaviors, and reinforce new behaviors through a credit card that monitors an ongoing balance of credits and fines.

Representation Matters: The Impact of Descriptive Women's Representation on the Political Involvement of Women

In a cross-country comparison of 33 European countries, we tested whether a high degree of female representation attenuates the assumed negative impact of gender on political involvement. Our multilevel analyses show positive interactive effects of female representation: the degree to which the representation of women in a given country's national parliament was descriptively adequate was positively related to women's ratings of the importance of politics and self-reported political interest. With respect to political participation, the findings are mixed.

Scales of justice in water governance: hydropower controversies in Switzerland

One significant challenge for the operationalization of water justice arises from the many dynamic scales involved. In this paper we explore the scalar dimension of justice in water governance through the insights derived from empirical research on hydropower production in the Swiss Alps and the application of the geographical concept of politics of scale. More specifically, we investigate how different actors frame the justice problem, the scales that they invoke and which actors consequently get included or excluded in their justice assessments. This study shows that there is no ideal scale for justice evaluations; whichever scale is used, some actors and justice claims are included whereas others are excluded. This is particularly true when using Fraser’s trivalent concept of justice, taking into account issues of distribution, recognition and participation where each calls for its own set of scales. Moreover, focusing on the politics of scale framing, our study reveals that the justice claim itself can become a power element. Consequently, to achieve more just water governance, there is not only a need for debate and negotiations about the conceptions and meanings of justice in a specific context, there is also a need for debate about the relevance and implications of divergent scales involved in justice claims.

Anticipatory and reactive forms of blame avoidance: of foxes and lions

Blame avoidance behavior (BAB) encompasses all kinds of integrity-protecting activities by officeholders in the face of potentially blame-attracting events. Although considered essential for a realistic understanding of politics and policymaking, a general understanding of this multi-faceted behavioral phenomenon and its implications has been lacking to date. We argue that this is due to the lack of careful conceptualization of various forms of BAB. Crucially, the difference between anticipatory and reactive forms of BAB is largely neglected in the literature. This paper links anticipatory and reactive forms of BAB as two consecutive decision situations. It exposes dependence relationships between the situations that trigger BAB, the rationalities at work, the resources and strategies applied by blame-avoiding actors, and the various consequences thereof. The paper concludes that anticipatory and reactive BAB are distinct phenomena that require specific research approaches to assess their relevance for the workings of polities.

Na 1 Nachlass Max Horkheimer, 654 - "The Aftermath of National Socialism"; "National Socialism and Philosophy"; "The Idea of Philosophy"; "Programm einer Intereuropäischen Akademie" (p. IX 36a.1-4-IX 39.1-2)

"The Aftermath of National Socialism. On the Cultural Aspects of the Collapse of National Socialism". Vorlesungsreihe des Instituts für Sozialforschung, März 1945; 1. Vorlesungsankündigung und Typoskripte der Beiträge von: Theodor W. Adorno, "The Fate of the Arts" (= "What National Socialism Has Done to the Arts"); Frederick Pollock, "Prejudice and the Social Classes"; Leo Löwenthal, "The Aftermath of Totalitarian Terror". Bibliographie, Typoskripte, geheftet, mit eigenhändiger Korrektur von Frederick Pollock, 93 Blatt; 2. Vorlesungsankündigung, als Typoskript vervielfältigt, 1 Blatt; 3. Max Horkheimer: "Totalitarism and the Crisis of European Culture". Eigene Notizen zur Vorlesung, 3 Blatt; 4. Theodor W. Adorno: Notizen zur Vorlesungsreihe. Typoskript, 2 Blatt; Max Horkheimer: "National Socialism and Philosophy". Seminar Frühjahr 1945; 1. Protokolle zu den Sitzungen vom 5.2, 24.4., 1.5. und 8.5.1945. Typoskript mit eigenhändiger Korrektur, 16 Blatt; 2. Dasselbe. Gebunden, 16 Blatt; 3. Eigenhändige Notizen, 8 Blatt; Max Horkheimer: "The Idea of Philosophy". Vorlesung Winter 1945/46; 1. Eigenhändige Notizen, 3 Blatt; 2. Eigenhändige Notizen, 4 Blatt; 3. Eigenhändige Notizen, 2 Blatt; 4. Abschriften aus Werken unter anderem von Friedrich von Bezold, Karl Lamprecht, Richard Pietchman, Leopold von Ranke, Edwin R.A. Seligman. Typoskripte, 8 Blatt; 5. Paul Tillich: "Conscience in Western Thought and the Idea a Transmoral Conscience". Sonderdruck aus: Crozer Quarterly, Vol. XXII, Nr. 4, Oktober 1945, 6 Blatt; Max Horkheimer: Programm einer Intereuropäischen Akademie, 1944/45 (?); 1. Typoskriptfassungen, englisch. a) Typoskript, 18 Blatt b) Typoskript mit handschriftlicher Korrektur von Theodor W. Adorno (GS 12, S.195-213), 18 Blatt c) Typoskript (Kopie) mit handschriftliche Korrektur, 18 Blatt (Kopie 1989 aus der Hoover Institution, Standford, California) d) Typoskript mit eigenhändiger Korrektur, 17 Blatt e) Korrektur-Teilstücke, Typoskripte mit eigenhändiger Korrektur, 2 Blatt; 2. Zeitungsausschnitt 1944, 1 Blatt;

The impact of a child's unexpected hospitalization upon Taiwanese parents' situational anxiety

Background. The parents of a sick child likely experience situational anxiety due to their young child being unexpectedly hospitalized. The emotional upheaval may be great enough that their anxiety inhibits them in providing positive support to their hospitalized child. Because anxiety affects psychological distress as well as behavioral distress, identifying parental distress helps parents improving their coping mechanisms. ^ Purpose. The study compared situational anxiety levels between Taiwanese fathers and mothers and focused on differences between parental anxiety levels at the beginning of the child's unplanned hospitalization and at time of discharge. The study also identified factors related to the parents' distress and use of coping mechanisms. ^ Methods. A descriptive, comparative research design was used to determine the difference between the anxiety levels of 62 Taiwanese father-mother dyads during the situational crisis of their child's unexpected hospitalization. The Mandarin version (M) of Visual Analog Scale (VAS-M), State-Trait Anxiety Inventory (STAI-M), and the Index of Parent Participation/Hospitalized Child (IPP/HC-M) were used to differentiate maternal and paternal anxiety levels and identify factors related to the parents' distress. Questionnaires were completed by parents within 24-36 hours of the child's hospital admission and within 24 hours prior to discharge. A paired t-test, two sample t-test, and linear mixed regression model were used to test and support the study hypothesis. ^ Results. The findings reveal that the mothers' anxiety levels did not significantly differ from the fathers' anxiety level when their child had a sudden admission to the hospital. In particular, parental state anxiety levels did not decrease during the child's hospital stay and subsequent discharge. Moreover, anxiety levels did not differ between parents regardless of whether the child's disease was acute or chronic. The most effective factor related to parental situational anxiety was parental perception of the severity of the child's illness. ^ Conclusions. Parental anxiety was found to be significantly related to changes in their perception of the severity of their child's illness. However, the study was not able to illustrate how parental involvement in the child's hospital care was related to parental perception of the severity of their child's illness. Future studies, using a qualitative approach to gamer more information as to what variables influence parental anxiety during a situational crisis, may provide a richer database from which to modify key variables as well as the instruments used to improve the quality of the data obtained. ^

Trazo de un encuentro : los límites de la teoría frente a la práctica política en la lectura althusseriana de Maquiavelo

La producción teórica de Louis Althusser forja una alianza entre materialismo y política que asedia los espacios comunes de la tradición teórica marxista. Para Althusser, las posibilidades de actualizar la teoría, de transformarla en una herramienta útil para el análisis y la formulación de estrategias acordes a los problemas planteados por la coyuntura, implica un trabajo sobre los conceptos tal como se encontraban en la teoría marxista clásica. En la crisis manifiesta del movimiento comunista internacional se expresa el correlato entre impotencia teórica y fracaso político. Por esta razón, y aun considerando los cambios de acento que se registran a lo largo de sus escritos, su discurso insiste en señalar los bloqueos e insuficiencias conceptuales de la teoría, los “límites absolutos" que anidan en la adherencia idealista de parte de las formulaciones de Marx. En los límites que traza sobre la teoría marxista y llevando la alianza entre materialismo y política más allá de Marx, Althusser encuentra a Maquiavelo. Nos proponemos indagar cómo este rodeo permite a Althusser replantear, no sin desplazamientos, la relación entre teoría y práctica política, en el horizonte de volver a la primera permeable a los matices que la coyuntura imprime sobre la segunda.

Transformación posmoderna y nuevas modalidades de gestión en la sociedad globalizada : reflexiones en torno a la crisis de institucionalidad

Las transformaciones operadas por la globalización tienen un carácter multidimensional que trasciende la mera internacionalización de la economía y se traduce en la difusión de ideas, valores, modos de producción y gestión, fórmulas organizativas públicas y privadas y aun estilos de vida que se difunden a través de las fronteras nacionales. Aparece, entonces, un nuevo escenario para el conocimiento administrativo, que precisa ser definido en sus alcances dado que afecta tanto a prácticas y actores como a los valores subyacentes. Este trabajo se interroga sobre la influencia de las transformaciones posmodernas (analizadas aquí como quiebras o rupturas de la modernidad), en la crisis de las instituciones, entendidas como las prácticas extensivas que condensan los valores sociales -y los hacen operativos- a la vez que permiten reducir la incertidumbre. A partir de este concepto de crisis institucional y su tipificación, se analizan algunas modalidades de gestión que aparecen, bien como alterativas a la situación de crisis planteada, bien como respuesta de adaptación a la realidad de una sociedad globalizada.

Elements of the reception of aristotelian thought in 19th century german-language philosophy and economics

La cuestión de la interpretación de Aristóteles por parte de la Academia alemana del siglo XIX es de interés tanto para filósofos como para economistas. Esto se debe a que el pensamiento clásico constituyó una cuestión de discusión e inspiración para el Idealismo, el Hegelianismo, el Historicismo y los economistas históricos alemanes (comenzando por Roscher) y su oponente austríaco, Carl Menger, fundador de la Escuela Austríaca de Economía. De este modo la filosofía antigua permaneció vigente. Al evaluar esta recepción, en este trabajo se muestra que el debate sobre entidades colectivas versus individualidad encuentra allí una base, y el individualismo metodológico, una justificación. Esto resulta útil aún hoy en el siglo veintiuno, en que presenciamos una crisis de la corriente principal de la economía.

"Soldados de Cristo Rey" : notas sobre la cultura y la crisis del apostolado en la Juventud de Acción Católica (1940-1955)

El trabajo analiza uno de los espacios asociativos juveniles de la Acción Católica Argentina (A.C.A): la Juventud de Acción Católica (J.A.C). Aborda como se esbozó esa tendencia asociativa dentro y fuera de las Parroquias, los elementos formativos en los cuales eran educados los jóvenes por medio del apostolado celular, los mecanismos de ingreso, las formas de inserción barrial y las relaciones político-contextuales que actuaron como telón de fondo y, de cierta forma, "competían" con la J.A.C.. El trabajo nos direcciona a pensar las distintas formas en que la juventud -entendida en términos culturales y no solamente biológicos- se insertó en determinados espacios sociales en pos de definir una identidad juvenil. Esto se dio en una coyuntura en la cual la Iglesia había intentado "re cristianizar" la sociedad argentina batallando contra los elementos del liberalismo que dominaban la esfera política.

Crisis de representación política en Argentina a fines de los '90 : Algunas vías de análisis

La crisis de representación política en Argentina a fines de los noventa es abordada en esta tesina desde diversas vías de análisis. Se presentan las contradicciones propias de la democracia en un sistema representativo que limita la posibilidad del llamado "gobierno del pueblo", así como los dilemas de la relación entre representante y representado. Los cambios políticos, la crisis del Estado de Bienestar y las transformaciones de los partidos ofrecen el marco general para el análisis de las distintas interpretaciones sobre el problema de la crisis en Argentina. Las teorías utilizadas en este estudio ofrecen una amplia mirada sobre el tema, desde las que consideran que se trata de un problema de representatividad de los partidos hasta las que tratan otras dimensiones tales como el Estado, el régimen político, los políticos, la ciudadanía, los liderazgos, entre otros. Los niveles de análisis abordados permiten configurar el estado de situación del problema de la crisis de representación, se incluyen cuestiones de la democracia per se y se relacionan los problemas políticos generales que han afectado a varios países con aquellos específicos de la crisis de representación en Argentina.