Sacredness of the constitutional text and interpretive heresy: the brazilian supreme court decision on same-sex unions

The paper provides a close lecture of the arguments and methods of legal construction, employed in the extensive individual opinions written by the Justices of the Brazilian Supreme Court in the case which authorized the same sex civil union. After tracing an outline of the legal problem and his possible solutions, we analyze the individual opinions, showing their methodological syncretism, the use of legal methods and arguments in a contradictory way as well the deficiencies in the reasoning. The Justices use legal arguments, but do not meet the requirements of rationality in the decision-making. We have a rhetorical attempt that aims to satisfy the public opinion than to offer a comprehensive and coherent solution according the normative elements of the Brazilian Federal Constitution of 1988.

O uso do rádio e da TV por instituições religiosas: um fenômeno crescente nos mais variados canais de comunicação

In the present study aimed to study the use of radio and television in Brazil by the various Christian aspects rooted in the country. The main objective was to analyze how the churches define the orientation or the use of strategies of both comprehensive and traditional media vehicles, which are still the most popular mass media, both for the formation of culture and national public opinion in both states and municipalities, which demarcate and retain regional traits that differentiate culturally, economically and socially diverse Brazilian populations. Christian churches are increasingly seeking loopholes and legal facilities, public spaces and broadcast media to facilitate the achievement of followers of their theological ideologies. On the radio, on television and also through social networks of the Internet, pastors, priests, bishops and lay Christians to seek their potential both in public space and home individually, using old and new individual devices and portable reception of audiovisual content. All preachers fiercely competing for space leased the open television networks, in national and local radio stations and invest in the organization of broadcasters Community legalized or informal. The work also aims to study the radio and television concessions in Bauru, to show the failures that occur in broadcasting spectrum management by the federal government and also for the reader to understand what the Constitution says about the use of these vehicles public concession by religious institutions

Relações de Gênero, memória e identidades no Brasil do século XX

Gender relationships focusing on homages to the women of Assis (a town in the center-western region of the state of São Paulo, Brazil) between 1959 and 1994, are discussed. Homages, expressed in monuments, street names, city squares, schools, libraries, Cultural Centers and other places, are based on the activities of women who benefitted the community. They feature lawyers, politicians, journalists, teachers and common citizens that exceeded their personal limitations and conquered a place acknowledged by society (politically invested) so that their names may be inscribed in the city´s public places. However, acknowledgement of female contributions in the construction of the city is not projected at the same pace or speed as that of males who compose the gallery of ‘remembered men’. This fact brings forth the following questions: If the naming of public places were for decades based on gender, what had changed by the end of the 1950s for such a redefinition? What is the true meaning of such homages? Who are these women and what do they represent?

A propaganda institucional como instrumento das relações públicas: análise semiótica da campanha comemorativa aos 60 anos da Petrobras

The developed research aims to analyze clippings of Petrobras' commemorative 60th anniversary campaign, entitled Gente, é o que inspira a gente., launched in 2013, using concepts of institutional advertising from the perspective of semiotics. The company was chose due to its traditionalism and strength within and outside the country, being one of the 20 largest in the world. During the study, it will be covered topics such as organizational communication and institutional advertising. From analyzing three parts of the Campaign, which aims to influence public opinion about the organization, associating her concepts or images that benefit the way Petrobras is seen. To analyze the effectiveness and efficiency of the campaign, it was chosen as methodological method, the semiotic studies of Charles Peirce, with his concepts of firstness, secondness and thirdness. This approaching intention of its audience is clear in this campaign not only with the participation of employees and signs that compose it, but also with the dissemination of information about the company, such as history, data, policies, methods and services provided, transmitting effectively its essence as a company, through its mission, vision and explicit and implicit values in messages

Sistema atende mulher: sistema de informação no centro de referência da mulher Ednalva Bezerra

The physical, psychological, sexual, moral and patrimonial violence affects women of different ages, social classes, ethnic and racial groups, levels of education and religion, all over Brazil. One of the obstacles in the strategies of prevention and facing violence against women, in public care services, focuses on the absence of an information system, automation of data and care flows. The existence of reliable data is essential for performing diagnoses, goals and conducting research on women in situations of violence who access the service agencies. In this sense, the goal of research is to present the experience of implementing a policy of data management called Woman System, in Ednalva Bezerra Women's Reference Center, which offers host/psychological and social care, guidance and legal referral for women that face any violence situation. As methodological paths, we adopt research in action. In our analyzes, we found that in this kind of public service, the use of the data system may improve the full and humanized care to women in situations of violence. Thus, the System Woman Care, still a developing phase, appears to improve the flow of relevant information within the institution, driving a process of knowledge, decision-making and intervention against gender violence.

Comunicação pública, cidadania e internet: a popularização da ciência nos portais eletrônicos de governo

Fundação de Amparo à Pesquisa do Estado de São Paulo (FAPESP)

Elementos sociais para a compreensão do prestígio científico e de seus riscos

Natural sciences have an enormous status in public opinion. Their achievements, which become known mostly by means of technology, give to them social credibility, unconditional support and positive social expectances. Further, their social images, generated by the success of their products, tend to lead people to develop only favorable ideas about scientists and about how science works, which are even more reinforced in the schools. By another side, the history of science has been allowed us to comprehend the internal and external social relations concerning to science, showing it as a field of disputes, interests and contradictions as many other fields which comprise human relations. Therefore, the objective of this text is to present social elements of the construction and impacts of natural science, aiming at putting in evidence the importance of the social studies of the scientific world for the courses of education of science teachers.

Folkcomunicación ciudadana a partir de la web 2.0 y de la movilidad

The social media are increasingly present in the lives of citizens, especially when the intention is to share views and information among its communities. However, that is something that leaves the control of citizens near the cluster communication, and reinforce construction of public opinion. This paper presents, from a conceptual discussion and case study grounds to believe that contemporary citizens are the true owners of the fourth estate.

As coalizões de defesa e as mudanças na política externa comercial e energética dos Estados Unidos para o etanol em 2011

Fundação de Amparo à Pesquisa do Estado de São Paulo (FAPESP)

O Sistema ideológico do agronegócio: o poder do discurso e o discurso pelo poder

Pós-graduação em Geografia - FCT

Mary E. Frayser Papers - Accession 1

The Mary E. Frayser Papers consists of correspondence, speeches, reports, clippings, minutes, histories, family histories, constitutions and bylaws, membership lists, program notes, photographs, and other papers, relating to her work with the South Carolina Extension Service (1912-1940) Winthrop College, her involvement with the South Carolina Council for the Common Good (1935-1952), the South Carolina Federation of Women’s Clubs (1926-1952), the South Carolina Status of Women Conference (1945-1952), the South Carolina Division of the American Association of University Women (AAUW) (1929, 1935-1949), the South Carolina Interracial Institute (1938-1942), the South Carolina Division of the Southern Regional Council (1944-1951), and the South Carolina Conference of Social Work (1936-1967). There are also papers relating to Frayser’s efforts to promote social and economic legislation and participation by women in public affairs and her interest in libraries and work in the movement for the support of public libraries in South Carolina (1925-1968). Correspondents included G.H. Aault, Evan Chesterman, Wil Lou Gray, Sarah Hughes, Christine South Gee, and Maude Massey Rogers. This collection is a good source of women’s club activities in the twentieth century. Important areas of research would include the way club activity affected social and economic legislation in the state and the various forces involved in the movement for state tax supported libraries. While the papers do range from 1841 to 1953, the greater bulk of the papers extend from the early 1930s to about 1947. Since the work of the various women's club organizations were so inter-related, a researcher working with the papers of a particular organization for a particular time span should consider the Frayser papers of all other organizations. The related papers for the “Correspondence and Related Papers” series for particular organizations are generally similar and include: memoranda, outlines, reports, resolutions, minutes, etc. Additional Frayser information can be found by referring to the Winthrop University Archives (official records).

An Evaluation of Diazacon as a Potential Contraceptive in Non-Native Rose-Ringed Parakeets

Rose-ringed parakeets (Psittacula krameri) have become widely established outside their native range through accidental or deliberate release. Potential economic impacts on agriculture, conservation concerns, and mixed public opinion regarding the species have highlighted the need to develop effective but humane management options. Fertility control might provide such a solution if a safe and environmentally benign contraceptive was available. The chemical 20,25-diazacholesterol dihydrochloride (diazacon) has previously been used to reduce reproductive output in avian species through reduction of blood cholesterol and cholesterol-dependent reproductive hormones. We orally dosed captive rose-ringed parakeets with a solution of either 9 mg/kg or 18 mg/kg of diazacon for up to 10 days and found that a dose of 18 mg/kg for 10 days temporarily reduced blood cholesterol levels with no adverse side effects. We evaluated this dose level in a captive population in semi-natural conditions during the 2008 breeding season and found a significant decrease in fertility. We concluded that diazacon has potential for fertility control in this species if a suitable formulation and delivery system is developed for free-living populations.

Comunicação e ação política no contínuo mediático: Luhmann contra Habermas. E nós contra todos

A política para Jürgen Habermas se faz com a formação de consciências e com o investimento na linguagem, no falar cotidiano, na relação intersubjetiva. Já para Niklas Luhmann, a política se faz por si mesma, e a opinião pública não tem relação com a opinião pessoal. Não adianta investir na linguagem, porque ela é pré-social, está além dos sujeitos, nenhuma democratização pode sair daí. Mas as propostas dos dois pensadores mostram-se insuficientes para a atualidade, com suas altas tecnologias comunicacionais, pois nenhum dos modelos dá uma resposta animadora para a questão das redes, nenhuma delas visualiza um espaço mediático próprio fazendo a mediação dos sistemas, nenhuma delas dá elementos para a construção de uma teoria da comunicação tecnologicamente avançada.

Factors associated with preterm birth in Campina Grande, Paraiba State, Brazil: a case-control study

A case-control study (2008-2009) analyzed risk factors for preterm birth in the city of Campina Grande, Paraiba State, Brazil. A total of 341 preterm births and 424 controls were included. A multiple logistic regression model was used. Risk factors for preterm birth were: previous history of preterm birth (OR = 2.32; 95% CI: 1.25-4.29), maternal age (OR = 2.00; 95% CI: 1.00-4.03), inadequate prenatal care (OR = 2.15; 95% CI: 1.40-3.27), inadequate maternal weight gain (OR = 2.33; 95% CI: 1.45-3.75), maternal physical injury (OR = 2.10; 95% CI: 1.22-3.60), hypertension with eclampsia (OR = 17.08; 95% CI: 3.67-79.43) and without eclampsia (OR = 6.42; 95% CI: 3.50-11.76), hospitalization (OR = 5.64; 95% CI: 3.47-9.15), altered amniotic fluid volume (OR = 2.28; 95% CI: 1.32-3.95), vaginal bleeding (OR = 1.54; 95% CI: 1.01-2.34), and multiple gestation (OR = 22.65; 95% CI: 6.22-82.46). High and homogeneous prevalence of poverty and low maternal schooling among both cases and controls may have contributed to the fact that socioeconomic variables did not remain significantly associated with preterm birth.

Essays on the political economy of European integration

Recently, a rising interest in political and economic integration/disintegration issues has been developed in the political economy field. This growing strand of literature partly draws on traditional issues of fiscal federalism and optimum public good provision and focuses on a trade-off between the benefits of centralization, arising from economies of scale or externalities, and the costs of harmonizing policies as a consequence of the increased heterogeneity of individual preferences in an international union or in a country composed of at least two regions. This thesis stems from this strand of literature and aims to shed some light on two highly relevant aspects of the political economy of European integration. The first concerns the role of public opinion in the integration process; more precisely, how economic benefits and costs of integration shape citizens' support for European Union (EU) membership. The second is the allocation of policy competences among different levels of government: European, national and regional. Chapter 1 introduces the topics developed in this thesis by reviewing the main recent theoretical developments in the political economy analysis of integration processes. It is structured as follows. First, it briefly surveys a few relevant articles on economic theories of integration and disintegration processes (Alesina and Spolaore 1997, Bolton and Roland 1997, Alesina et al. 2000, Casella and Feinstein 2002) and discusses their relevance for the study of the impact of economic benefits and costs on public opinion attitude towards the EU. Subsequently, it explores the links existing between such political economy literature and theories of fiscal federalism, especially with regard to normative considerations concerning the optimal allocation of competences in a union. Chapter 2 firstly proposes a model of citizens’ support for membership of international unions, with explicit reference to the EU; subsequently it tests the model on a panel of EU countries. What are the factors that influence public opinion support for the European Union (EU)? In international relations theory, the idea that citizens' support for the EU depends on material benefits deriving from integration, i.e. whether European integration makes individuals economically better off (utilitarian support), has been common since the 1970s, but has never been the subject of a formal treatment (Hix 2005). A small number of studies in the 1990s have investigated econometrically the link between national economic performance and mass support for European integration (Eichenberg and Dalton 1993; Anderson and Kalthenthaler 1996), but only making informal assumptions. The main aim of Chapter 2 is thus to propose and test our model with a view to providing a more complete and theoretically grounded picture of public support for the EU. Following theories of utilitarian support, we assume that citizens are in favour of membership if they receive economic benefits from it. To develop this idea, we propose a simple political economic model drawing on the recent economic literature on integration and disintegration processes. The basic element is the existence of a trade-off between the benefits of centralisation and the costs of harmonising policies in presence of heterogeneous preferences among countries. The approach we follow is that of the recent literature on the political economy of international unions and the unification or break-up of nations (Bolton and Roland 1997, Alesina and Wacziarg 1999, Alesina et al. 2001, 2005a, to mention only the relevant). The general perspective is that unification provides returns to scale in the provision of public goods, but reduces each member state’s ability to determine its most favoured bundle of public goods. In the simple model presented in Chapter 2, support for membership of the union is increasing in the union’s average income and in the loss of efficiency stemming from being outside the union, and decreasing in a country’s average income, while increasing heterogeneity of preferences among countries points to a reduced scope of the union. Afterwards we empirically test the model with data on the EU; more precisely, we perform an econometric analysis employing a panel of member countries over time. The second part of Chapter 2 thus tries to answer the following question: does public opinion support for the EU really depend on economic factors? The findings are broadly consistent with our theoretical expectations: the conditions of the national economy, differences in income among member states and heterogeneity of preferences shape citizens’ attitude towards their country’s membership of the EU. Consequently, this analysis offers some interesting policy implications for the present debate about ratification of the European Constitution and, more generally, about how the EU could act in order to gain more support from the European public. Citizens in many member states are called to express their opinion in national referenda, which may well end up in rejection of the Constitution, as recently happened in France and the Netherlands, triggering a European-wide political crisis. These events show that nowadays understanding public attitude towards the EU is not only of academic interest, but has a strong relevance for policy-making too. Chapter 3 empirically investigates the link between European integration and regional autonomy in Italy. Over the last few decades, the double tendency towards supranationalism and regional autonomy, which has characterised some European States, has taken a very interesting form in this country, because Italy, besides being one of the founding members of the EU, also implemented a process of decentralisation during the 1970s, further strengthened by a constitutional reform in 2001. Moreover, the issue of the allocation of competences among the EU, the Member States and the regions is now especially topical. The process leading to the drafting of European Constitution (even if then it has not come into force) has attracted much attention from a constitutional political economy perspective both on a normative and positive point of view (Breuss and Eller 2004, Mueller 2005). The Italian parliament has recently passed a new thorough constitutional reform, still to be approved by citizens in a referendum, which includes, among other things, the so called “devolution”, i.e. granting the regions exclusive competence in public health care, education and local police. Following and extending the methodology proposed in a recent influential article by Alesina et al. (2005b), which only concentrated on the EU activity (treaties, legislation, and European Court of Justice’s rulings), we develop a set of quantitative indicators measuring the intensity of the legislative activity of the Italian State, the EU and the Italian regions from 1973 to 2005 in a large number of policy categories. By doing so, we seek to answer the following broad questions. Are European and regional legislations substitutes for state laws? To what extent are the competences attributed by the European treaties or the Italian Constitution actually exerted in the various policy areas? Is their exertion consistent with the normative recommendations from the economic literature about their optimum allocation among different levels of government? The main results show that, first, there seems to be a certain substitutability between EU and national legislations (even if not a very strong one), but not between regional and national ones. Second, the EU concentrates its legislative activity mainly in international trade and agriculture, whilst social policy is where the regions and the State (which is also the main actor in foreign policy) are more active. Third, at least two levels of government (in some cases all of them) are significantly involved in the legislative activity in many sectors, even where the rationale for that is, at best, very questionable, indicating that they actually share a larger number of policy tasks than that suggested by the economic theory. It appears therefore that an excessive number of competences are actually shared among different levels of government. From an economic perspective, it may well be recommended that some competences be shared, but only when the balance between scale or spillover effects and heterogeneity of preferences suggests so. When, on the contrary, too many levels of government are involved in a certain policy area, the distinction between their different responsibilities easily becomes unnecessarily blurred. This may not only leads to a slower and inefficient policy-making process, but also risks to make it too complicate to understand for citizens, who, on the contrary, should be able to know who is really responsible for a certain policy when they vote in national,local or European elections or in referenda on national or European constitutional issues.