784 resultados para Politics and culture


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It is extremely rare for an international visitor to museums and galleries in the UK to find information in foreign languages which is anything more than a relatively literal translation of an English source text. At the same time, a huge body of research and theory in the humanities and social sciences implies that major cultural differences are likely to accompany the differences in first language of international visitors. As such, in spite of the fact that museums and galleries often declare their intention to meet the needs of their visitors, it is fairly clear that, in this instance, they are at best meeting their international visitors’ linguistic needs whilst ignoring their broader cultural needs. With this in mind, staff from the University of Westminster together with a number of London’s major museums and galleries obtained UK Research Council funding to work on the production of leaflets in foreign languages fully acknowledging cultural differences amongst international visitors. The collaboration was intended to generate reflection on how such materials might be most effectively produced, what impact they might have and what forms of policy review museums and galleries might as a result wish to undertake. The collaboration confirmed that cultural difference, and therefore difference in need, between visitors with different first languages is a simple reality. Translations, including ones which are culturally ‘adapted’ or ‘sensitive’, will always fall short of acknowledging the intercultural complexity of the experience of international visitors. Materials acknowledging that complexity are more effective. Museums and galleries need, therefore, to ask themselves how far and in what ways they wish to acknowledge this reality in the nature of the welcome they offer. The core of this article will draw on the outcomes of this collaboration, and also on aspects of translation and intercultural theory, to offer a critical exploration of some of the options museums and galleries therefore have in producing materials to welcome international visitors in ways which acknowledge the intercultural complexity of their experience.

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Within the UK the quality of care delivered in some hospitals, nursing homes and caring facilities has been the subject of significant enquiry, challenge and concern in recent years. There was need for a change in the culture of patient and client care. Traditionally a change in culture is seen as moving from an organisational head through to the organisation and in this case through to front-line care. This hasn’t necessarily achieved the desired effect and impact in terms of quality of care within the UK. Historically, certainly nurses have acted more as recipients of change, rather than agents of change
This paper suggests that schools of nursing and medicine with robust core values and a more consistently enacted culture of care, are better able and more likely to transfer this to nursing and medical students within their professional socialisation. In addition, and rather than the newly qualified nurse or doctor being absorbed into existing cultures of care delivery (which are not necessarily always reflecting high qualities of care), schools of nursing and medicine could better facilitate the development of more `agency’ within students and better equipping the students on qualification and stepping into practice, with a role and function as potential agents of change. Effective leadership within schools of nursing and medicine can both translate to quality and consistency, and enactment of organisational core values and working culture. The working culture of schools is intrinsic to developing students as agents of change

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This is an Accepted Manuscript of the Introduction and Conclusion of Tamboukou, M. (2015), Sewing, Fighting and Writing: Radical Practices in Work, Politics and Culture, Rowman & Littlefield. © 2015 Rowman & Littlefield, All Rights Reserved.

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Thesis (Ph.D.)--University of Washington, 2016-08

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Preparedness for disaster scenarios is progressively becoming an educational agenda for governments because of diversifying risks and threats worldwide. In disaster-prone Japan, disaster preparedness has been a prioritised national agenda, and preparedness education has been undertaken in both formal schooling and lifelong learning settings. This article examines the politics behind one prevailing policy discourse in the field of disaster preparedness referred to as ‘the four forms of aid’ – ‘kojo [public aid]’, ‘jijo [self-help]’, ‘gojo/kyojo [mutual aid]’. The study looks at the Japanese case, however, the significance is global, given that neo-liberal governments are increasingly having to deal with a range of disaster situations whether floods or terrorism, while implementing austerity measures. Drawing on the theory of the adaptiveness of neo-liberalism, the article sheds light on the hybridity of the current Abe government’s politics: a ‘dominant’ neo-liberal economic approach – public aid and self-help – and a ‘subordinate’ moral conservative agenda – mutual aid. It is argued that the four forms of aid are an effective ‘balancing act’, and that kyojo in particular is a powerful legitimator in the hybrid politics. The article concludes that a lifelong and life-wide preparedness model could be developed in Japan which has taken a social approach to lifelong learning. © 2016 Informa UK Limited, trading as Taylor & Francis Group

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George Keith, fourth Earl Marischal is a case study of long-term, quietly successful and stable lordship through the reign of James VI. Marischal’s life provides a wholly underrepresented perspective on this era, where the study of rebellious and notorious characters has dominated. He is also a counter-example to the notion of a general crisis among the European nobility, at least in the Scottish context, as well as to the notion of a ‘conservative’ or ‘Catholic’ north east. In 1580 George inherited the richest earldom in Scotland, with a geographical extent stretching along the east coast from Caithness to East Lothian. His family came to be this wealthy as a long term consequence of the Battle of Flodden (1513) where a branch of the family, the Inverugie Keiths had been killed. The heiress of this branch was married to the third earl and this had concentrated a large number of lands, and consequently wealth, in the hands of the earls. This had, however, also significantly decreased the number of members and hence power of the Keith kindred. The third earl’s conversion to Protestantism in 1544 and later his adherence to the King’s Party during the Marian Civil War forced the Keiths into direct confrontation with their neighbours in the north east, the Gordons (led by the Earls of Huntly), a Catholic family and supporters of the Queen’s Party. Although this feud was settled for a time at the end of the war, the political turmoil caused by a succession of short-lived factional regimes in the early part of the personal reign of James VI (c.1578-1585) led the new (fourth) Earl Marischal into direct confrontation with the new (sixth) Earl of Huntly. Marischal was outclassed, outmanoeuvred and outgunned at both court and in the locality in this feud, suffering considerably. However, Huntly’s over-ambition in wider court politics meant that Marischal was able to join various coalitions against his rival, until Huntly was exiled in 1595. Marischal also came into conflict briefly with Chancellor John Maitland of Thirlestane as a consequence of Marischal’s diplomatic mission to Denmark in 1589-1590, but was again outmatched politically and briefly imprisoned. Both of these feuds reveal Marischal to be relatively cautious and reactionary, and both reveal the limitations of his power. Elsewhere, the study of Marischal’s activities in the centre of Scottish politics reveal him to be unambitious. He was ready to serve King James, the two men having a healthy working relationship, but Marischal showed no ambition as a courtier, to woo the king’s favour or patronage, instead delegating interaction with the monarch to his kinsmen. Likewise, in government, Marischal rarely attended any of the committees he was entitled to attend, such as the Privy Council, although he did keep a keen eye on the land market and the business conducted under the Great Seal. Although personally devout and a committed Protestant, the study of Marischal’s interaction with the national Kirk and the parishes of which he was patron reveal that he was at times a negligent patron and exercised his right of ministerial presentation as lordly, not godly patronage. The notion of a ‘conservative North East’ is, however, rejected. Where Marischal was politically weak at court and weak in terms of force in the locality, we see him pursuing sideways approaches to dealing with this. Thus he was keen to build up his general influence in the north and in particular with the burgh of Aberdeen (one result of this being the creation of Marischal College in 1593), pursued disputes through increasing use of legal methods rather than bloodfeud (thus exploiting his wealth and compensating for his relative lack of force) and developed a sophisticated system of maritime infrastructure, ultimately expressed through the creating of the burghs of Peterhead and Stonehaven. Although his close family caused him a number of problems over his lifetime, he was able to pass on a stable and enlarged lordship to his son in 1623.

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This study focuses on the intersection of the politics and culture of open public space with race relations in the United States from 1900 to 1941. The history of McMillan Park in Washington, D.C. serves as a lens to examine these themes. Ultimately, the park’s history, as documented in newspapers, interviews, reports, and photographs, reveals how white residents attempted to protect their dominance in a racial hierarchy through the control of both the physical and cultural elements of public recreation space. White use of discrimination through seemingly neutral desires to protect health, safety, and property values, establishes a congruence with their defense of residential property. Without similar access to legal methods, African Americans acted through direct action in gaps of governmental control. Their use of this space demonstrates how African-American residents of Washington and the United States contested their race, recreation, and spatial privileges in the pre-World War II era.

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International Relations theory would predict that central governments, with their considerable material resources, would be unlikely to face a challenge from a substate government. However, substate governments, and particularly Indigenous governments, are pushing back against central government control in both domestic and international spheres. Indigenous governments are leveraging their local mining sectors to realize their interests and express local identities—interests and identities that may not be congruent with those of the central government. Applying the case study of the resource extraction sector in Canada, this thesis asks: under what conditions are substate governments able to challenge the authority of central governments in the international arena? Canada’s reliance on the global extractive resource sector is a major driver of its international policy preferences, but the increased engagement of Indigenous governments in the sector challenges the control of the federal government. Focusing on the resource extraction sectors in British Columbia, Saskatchewan, and Ontario, this thesis argues that there is a mutually reinforcing relationship between Indigenous governments’ international engagement and their domestic autonomy; both challenge the parameters of state authority. Both force the state to respond to claims of control from multiple sites and to clarify convoluted policy environments. A confluence of factors—including increased Indigenous connections to the globalized economy, new Canadian regulatory frameworks, and recent Supreme Court of Canada cases regarding Indigenous lands—have all altered the space in which Indigenous governments in Canada participate in the resource extraction sector and produce overlapping or multilevel governance structures. This thesis demonstrates that Indigenous international engagement entrenches the authority and political legitimacy manifest in Indigenous governments’ insistence on equitable and horizontal negotiations in Canada’s lucrative resource extraction sector. A cumulative process occurs in which domestic and international expressions of political autonomy reinforce each other, produce further opportunities to express authority in both environments, and trouble the state’s capacity to fully realize its international policy preferences.

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This study investigates interactions between parents and pediatricians during pediatric well-child visits. Despite constituting a pivotal moment for monitoring and evaluating children’s development during the critical ‘first thousand days of life’ and for family support, no study has so far empirically investigated the in vivo realization of pediatrician-parent interactions in the Italian context, especially not from a pedagogical perspective. Filling this gap, the present study draws on a corpus of 23 videorecorded well-child visits involving two pediatricians and twenty-two families with children aged between 0 and 18 months. Combining an ethnographic perspective and conversation analysis theoretical-analytical constructs, the micro-analysis of interactions reveals how well-child visits unfold as culture-oriented and culture-making sites. By zooming into what actually happens during these visits, the analysis shows that there is much more than the “mere” accomplishment of institutionally relevant activities like assessing children’s health or giving parents advice on baby care. Rather, through the interactional ways these institutional tasks are carried out, parents and pediatricians presuppose, ratify, and transmit culturally-informed models of “normal” growth, “healthy” development, “good” caring practices, and “competent” parenting, thereby enacting a pervasive yet unnoticed educational and moral work. Inaugurating a new promising line of inquiry within Italian pedagogical research, this study illuminates how a) pediatricians work as a “social antenna”, bridging families’ private “small cultures” and broader socio-cultural models of children’s well-being and caregiving practices, and b) parents act as agentive, knowledgeable, (communicatively) competent, and caring parents, while also sensitive to the pediatrician’s ultimate epistemic and deontic authority. I argue that a video-based, micro-analysis of interactions represents a heuristically powerful instrument for raising pediatricians’ and parents’ awareness of the educational and moral density of well-child visits. Insights from this study can constitute a valuable empirical resource for underpinning medical and parental training programs aimed at fostering pediatricians’ and parents’ reflexivity.

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The aim of this paper is to identify, analyse and question the expressions of humour in O Espreitador do Mundo Novo, a monthly periodical published by José Daniel Rodrigues da Costa throughout 1802. It is a chapter of a PhD thesis in History and Theory of Ideas with the title “Correcting by laughter. Humour in Portuguese periodical press 1797-1834”. Positing humour as a social and cultural phenomenon, it is regarded here in a broad sense, comprehending wit, joke, ridicule, satire, jest, mockery, facetiousness or irony, displayed with recourse to various figures of speech. This interdisciplinary work intends listing and researching the themes and issues of the periodical and its targets, namely the social, age or gender stereotypes and to acknowledge its political stances. Another main purpose of this paper is to assess the role of humour as expressed in the printed periodical as a political and social weapon, criticizing ways (and which ways) and/or fashions, often ridiculing novelty just for being new in order to maintain the statu quo, and to establish in which senses humour was used in the context of late Ancien Régime and early liberalism culture. The humour of O Espreitador has also played a part in framing a public sphere in early nineteenth-century Portugal, as can be seen by the different “stages” and backgrounds where the monthly installments of the periodical take place: squares, coffee houses, fairgrounds, private houses, jailhouses, churches, public promenades, pilgrimages, bullfights, parties, the opera house – each of them a space of sociability and socialization. In this one, as in other periodicals of the time, printed humour stands at the crossroads of politics and culture, in spaces boldly widening before the reader. Albeit, there are quite a few loud silences in O Espreitador: not even the slightest remark to the church, the clergy or the Inquisition, only reverential references to the established order and the powers that be. The periodical criticizes the criticizers; it is against those who are against. The repeated disclaimers are intended not only to protect the author from libel suits or other litigation. They belong to a centuries-old tradition which, as early as the Middle Ages, has set apart escárnio (scorn) from maldizer (slander): José Daniel Rodrigues da Costa distinguishes satire from rebuking vice – a “cheerful criticism” forerunner of the ironic humour which was to become a trademark of Portuguese literature in the second half of the nineteenth century. Targeting those who deviate from the social norm (for example social climbers and older women who marry young men) or the followers of fashion (sometimes specifically “French fashion”), O Espreitador charges at liberal and progressive ideas. It ridicules the ways of the “New World” in order to perpetuate an idealized version of the “Old World”. Notwithstanding two exceptions – it condemns racism and bullfighting –, the humour of O Espreitador is conservative and conformist from a social and political standpoint.

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Joseph Maria Valls i Vicens was an important Catalan intellectual who had an important performance in literature, politics , sociology, pedagogy and several cultural initiatives. The author focalizes the study of the young writer's thought as a common character of a wide sector of intellectuals that had developed an important activity in local politics and culture all through the period.

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Joseph Maria Valls i Vicens was an important Catalan intellectual who had an important performance in literature, politics , sociology, pedagogy and several cultural initiatives. The author focalizes the study of the young writer's thought as a common character of a wide sector of intellectuals that had developed an important activity in local politics and culture all through the period.

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Durante la década de 1930 el capitalismo industrial organizó diferentes espacios de la política y la cultura en Colombia. A través del estudio de caso de Coltabaco, se caracterizan tres momentos de los vínculos del capitalismo industrial con la sociedad colombiana. En el primer momento, se la describen los vínculos políticos que hicieron visible diferentes formas de participación política del sector industrial y su relación con las regiones, las instituciones (públicas y privadas) y las elites dominantes, así como se subraya la importancia del mercado interno para la industria del tabaco. En el segundo momento, se caracterizan los vínculos entre Coltabaco y el sector rural a partir de la labor pedagógica de Coltabaco para la producción de la hoja, así mismo, se describen las representaciones del cultivador vinculado a la industria que fueron difundidas en el sector rural; finalmente, los vínculos entre Coltabaco y el sector urbano se analizan en la tensión por la relación mujer-cigarrillo. En el consumo del cigarrillo, el placer femenino se desligó de condicionantes morales e higiénicos, ganando, a través del gusto, una nueva circunstancia para experimentar la subjetividad de la mujer moderna. Los Problemas del Tabaco no se limitaron exclusivamente al espacio de la política económica, también fueron las costumbres campesinas desvinculadas del ritmo de la industria, y las ideas morales e higiénicas que organizaban la costumbre en la relación mujer-cigarrillo.